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KOL479 | Co-Ownership Revisited: Property Rights, Exclusion, Contracts, and Edge Cases, with Nick Sinard

Kinsella on Liberty Podcast: Episode 479.

Libertarian Nicholas Sinard asked me to field some questions about the referenced issues, so we did so. (Recorded Dec. 10, 2025.)

Regarding our discussion of my previous comments about the definition of rights, and what rights are justified. As a definitional matter, a legal right is a legally enforceable claim to the exclusive use of a resource. As to what rights libertarians think are justified, I have discussed the idea that the only rights that are legitimate or just are those that the assertion of which cannot be coherently criticized. The reason is rooted in the logic of argumentation ethics and my estoppel defense of rights, e.g.

society may justly punish those who have initiated force, in a manner proportionate to their initiation of force and to the consequences thereof, because they cannot coherently object to such punishment”)

Stephan Kinsella, “A Libertarian Theory of Punishment and Rights,” in Legal Foundations of a Free Society (Houston, Texas: Papinian Press, 2023). See also chapters 6. Dialogical Arguments for Libertarian Rights, 7. Defending Argumentation Ethics: Reply to Murphy & Callahan, and 22. The Undeniable Morality of Capitalism, et pass.; and other writing such as KOL451 | Debating the Nature of Rights on The Rational Egoist (Michael Liebowitz) (from the transcript):

[12:25–19:47] I think when people say that I have a right to X what they’re really saying is if “I were to use force to defend my claim to this space” I can’t be coherently criticized. In other words, my proposed use of force to defend this space, is just, is justified. Which is why it ties into what laws are justified. Because a law is just a social recognition, by your society—your local neighbors, the legal system—that they recognize your claim, and they’re willing to endorse or support your use of force to defend yourself.

So ultimately when we say there’s a right, what we’re saying is that if the legal system uses force to defend your claimed right, that use of force itself is justified. So this is a complicated way of saying what libertarians often say,  something like: it’s either ballots or bullets. It always comes down to physical force in the end. So when you have a law, what you’re saying is that the legal principle that we’re that proposing—like defending my house, or my body from rape or murder—we’re saying that if you were to use force to defend yourself, or if the legal system would do so in your name, then that would not be unjustified. And I think that’s ultimately the claim. So what you’re saying is … the reason I call it a metanorm 1 is because … Well, I distinguish between morality, and the justice of the legal system. So for example—and I think maybe Rand might agree with me on this, I’m not sure 2—but a simplistic view of morality, which most libertarians might have—and I don’t mean to be critical by saying simplistic, because it’s an attempt to distinguish between…  so most people would say that “you shouldn’t do drugs” and therefore they’re not opposed to a law outlawing drugs, because to their simplistic linear mind, if it’s immoral, it should be made illegal. But if you have a kind of a more nuanced view of things, you understand that, well just because something is immoral, doesn’t mean it should be illegal. That’s the libertarian view—its like, okay, doing drugs, being a  drug addict might be immoral, it might be harmful to your life, but you’re not violating someone’s rights. So the government [the state] is not justified in outlawing it.

So that’s like a second level. So when you explain that to your normy person, then you might say, well that’s because morality, or that’s because rights violations are a subset of morality. So that’s kind of a first approximation about how you explain to people why everything that’s not that’s immoral should not be illegal. It’s because a rights violation should be illegal, but that’s only a subset of immorality. But when you put it that way, the assumption is that every rights violation is immoral although not everything that’s immoral is a rights violation right.

And my personal view that I’ve I’ve come to adopt over the years is that’s that’s actually slightly incorrect. In other words it it’s incorrect to say that everything that’s a rights violation is necessarily immoral. And the reason is because I view rights as a metanorm. This is the view as a human being, living in society, who wants to have a moral view of matters and the way human Society should operate, what law would I favor as a justified law? So I would say that we should have a law that says you can’t steal from people. But what that means is that it’s justified if the legal system uses force to stop crime, or to stop theft. It’s justified. Which which means that if someone is caught being a thief or a rapist or a murderer and they’re punished or dealt with in a certain way, that response by the legal system, or by the victim using the legal system as its proxy—you can’t criticize that itself an immoral action; it’s justified. So to my mind the ultimate purpose of law, and to think about this, is to think about what’s justified. But it doesn’t mean it doesn’t mean that every rights violation is necessarily immoral. And again, it’s because when you classify the legal system’s response to a crime as justified, what you’re saying is, it doesn’t violate the aggressor’s rights if force is used against him. But it doesn’t necessarily imply that what he did was immoral.

So this is why my view is that we have to view rights violations not as a proper subset of immorality, but as its own set which is mostly overlapping with immorality. So I would say that 99% of all rights violations are actually immoral, just like I would say that it’s immoral to be a dishonest person in general but I don’t think that it’s logically necessarily true. And the reason is because the purpose of morality is to guide man’s conduct in his everyday affairs, but the purpose of political ethics is to tell us which legal system is justified.

So that morm is aimed at determining which laws are just; it’s not aimed at telling us how we should act on a day-to-day basis. So given a legal system,  which I think is a just legal system—let’s say we have a legal system where which outlaws murder and theft and extortion and rape and robbery and all this kind of stuff—that doesn’t necessarily mean that I am always immoral if I choose to violate someone’s rights in that system. It probably is in most cases,  but I’m not sure it’s logically the same thing. [Then the example of someone in the woods breaking into a cabin to save their baby’s life.]

Consent and Revocability in Property Use

31:42

Stephan Kinsella (31:42)

When you have someone in your house as a guest, they’re not violating your rights because you’ve consented to them using your house. They don’t have the right to use it, but they have the ability to use it without you committing aggression because they’re not doing anything non-consensual.

Stephan Kinsella (32:05)

Are you saying that if I have multiple guests in my house and they’re wandering around and they have to avoid each other’s space to avoid bumping into each other, is that what you’re imagining or something different?

Nicholas Sinard (32:17)

No. What I was thinking about was… think through it. If you let someone into your house, just like if you let someone stay in an apartment because they pay you rent, the renter would have some type of right, right?

Stephan Kinsella (32:45)

But that’s more formal and time-limited. It’s not as revocable at will. So in most cases, if I invite you to my house for a dinner party, I can change my mind at any time — just like a girl can change her mind if she’s having sex or kissing someone or holding their hand. She can just change her mind.

Stephan Kinsella (33:09)

There’s an exception. If I invite guests to my house and then a big hurricane starts outside, you could argue that now I have to let them stay until the storm passes — something like that. You could say that’s an implied condition too. But that’s not normal. That comes into play in the abortion issue.

Stephan Kinsella (33:32)

Normally, if you invite someone, you can change your mind. But if you invite a fetus into your body and it has rights, you can’t just change your mind if that violates its rights to evict it. That kind of argument.

Stephan Kinsella (33:50)

In general, bare consent can be revoked at any time. But if I own an apartment and I rent you a bedroom for a year and I’ve made that irrevocable — I can’t change my mind — then for that one year the tenant has a real property right. That’s why there’s a debate in the law about whether that’s a contract or a property right. For libertarian purposes, I don’t think it matters.

Stephan Kinsella (34:23)

I would say it’s a real property right because the right to exclude people from that space is now transferred to the tenant — and that applies to me too as the owner of the house. I can’t enter their bedroom without their consent now. And then it’s up to them who they let enter their bedroom if they want to let their friends come in.

Stephan Kinsella (34:55)

But that’s not even co-ownership. That’s just a division of rights. They couldn’t burn the house down or demolish the walls because I didn’t grant them that part of the right. So there’s divided ownership. That’s why I can own a house and grant you the right to live in it until you die — a life estate. You can use it until you die, but you can’t tear it down or sell it except subject to that right.

Stephan Kinsella (35:34)

As soon as you die, my naked ownership becomes full ownership again — except subject to the state’s right to tax it with property taxes. Which is why we don’t have full ownership of anything as long as there’s a state. The state has this background overlord right over us — jail us, tax us, draft us, regulate us.

Distinguishing Justifiable Use from Property Rights

36:04

Nicholas Sinard (36:04)

I think I understand what you’re saying. Pretty much if you don’t have the right to exclude, then you don’t really have a right. Rights are the right to exclude.

Nicholas Sinard (36:22)

I was trying to square the hole of: well, if someone’s using it justifiably then they have to have a right in it. But really they don’t have to. If the owner is allowing them to use it, they are justifiably using that resource without necessarily having a right — because they can’t exclude anyone — but they’re still justifiably using it.

Nicholas Sinard (36:46)

That makes a lot more sense.

Co-Ownership and Conflict Resolution

36:54

Nicholas Sinard (36:54)

One thing about co-ownership that even Liquid Zulu and all them would have to agree with is when it comes to defense, restitution, or punishment. If someone commits a crime against two people independently with one act — say a million dollars of damage to two strangers — and the aggressor only has $10,000, the $10,000 is fungible, so you could split it. But if it was something indivisible like a car, then they have co-ownership rights in the car.

Stephan Kinsella (38:00)

If they can’t agree what to do with it, just like spouses in a house, they have to divorce. Or if two children inherit a house from their father, you can’t say A owns it and B has a contract right with respect to A — there’s no reason to prefer A over B. So A and B both own it in equal undivided shares. If they can’t come to peaceful agreement, they have to sell it and split the proceeds.

Nicholas Sinard (38:40)

Their biggest thing with co-ownership is they think it allows or promotes conflict. But ultimately if two owners disagree, they go to arbitration — a judge can order it sold and split, or the resource just sits there.

Stephan Kinsella (39:07)

Property rights are not self-enforcing. They’re social customs, signals as to who is recognized as the owner if you want to respect property rights. They also provide a legal fact that can be used when there’s a dispute. Property rights presuppose periods where we don’t know the answer until a dispute-resolution procedure settles it.

Stephan Kinsella (40:04)

There’s always potential inefficiency and the background need for arbitration. That need exists whether you divide rights by contract between co-owners or between separate neighboring owners. In both cases you have principles that a dispute-resolution system can apply.

Stephan Kinsella (41:28)

If third-party resolution can apply between separate property owners A and B over a piece of land, why couldn’t it apply between co-owners A and B over the resource they share? I don’t see a fundamental difference.

Nicholas Sinard (41:45)

I think they’re just taking some of what Hoppe is saying too literally.

Ties to State Property and Immigration Debates

42:25

Stephan Kinsella (42:25)

If their disagreement is just semantic and they want a different label, they’re free to propose one. But this also ties into their criticism of Hoppe’s owning state property stuff, and to some degree the immigration debate.

Stephan Kinsella (43:03)

I’m actually see Hoppe next week in Prague. Maybe I’ll ask him on record: “Of course there’s no problem with a husband and wife co-owning something.” He’ll probably just say he was talking in abstract terms about a typical case of one owner vs. someone else who might want the resource — but if you can settle that with contract too.

Stephan Kinsella (44:18)

The unowned state-property issue is far more contentious. I can see someone taking the other side — I think they’re wrong, but I see the argument. But I really don’t see what their gripe with co-ownership is, because no one’s rights are being violated.

Stephan Kinsella (44:58)

If the state steals my house and turns it into a government office, saying it’s “unowned” means even I don’t have a claim to it anymore. Liquid Zulu recently said that if you homestead state property and homestead it, you might have to give some proceeds to the people who were expropriated — well, that admits there is a special ownership claim different from the rest of the world. That’s all we’re saying: state property is not unowned; there is a rightful owner who is not the world at large.

Forestalling, Unowned Resources, and Conflictable Goods

46:19

Stephan Kinsella (46:25)

That’s one reason I disagree with Walter Block’s forestalling argument — that libertarianism abhors unowned property, so blocking access to it is aggression. Libertarianism doesn’t have rights; it’s not a thing. Saying I violate your rights by not letting you cross my property to reach unowned property makes no sense.

Stephan Kinsella (48:26)

Hoppe points out that whether a resource is public or private, capital or consumer good, is not inherent — it’s subjective and demonstrated in action. So an unowned resource no one is valuing or trying to get isn’t really a “good” yet in the social sense.

Stephan Kinsella (50:50)

“Conflictable” implies the possibility of conflict, which implies other people. On Crusoe’s island the resources are scarce but not conflictable until someone else shows up. When someone else arrives, they become conflictable and need an owner.

Stephan Kinsella (52:03)

Property rights have to be recognized by others. If there’s no one else to recognize it, there’s no property right to recognize — Crusoe just possesses without interference.

Voluntary Slavery, Inalienability, and Mid-Performance Obligations

52:55

Nicholas Sinard (52:55)

One last thing: technically there is voluntary slavery — a person who aggresses kind of puts himself into it.

Stephan Kinsella (53:12)

I’ve argued there’s nothing wrong with alienating rights to your body — you just can’t do it by mere promise. If you enter a boxing ring you consent to being hit, but you can walk out at any time — it’s not irrevocable alienation. It’s temporary consent, justifiable conflict-free use because the owner consents.

Stephan Kinsella (55:58)

If I own a gun I can’t shoot you because I don’t own your body. Consent to 100 people in my house for a party turns trespass into non-trespass, but it doesn’t give them any right to exclude others.

Stephan Kinsella (57:03)

Rights must be compossible. You can’t have a property right without the right to exclude, because the right to exclude can never itself violate anyone’s rights — only actions can.

Stephan Kinsella (58:58)

Walter uses the airplane pilot who wants to bail mid-flight. My solution: passengers become temporary co-owners of the plane (and especially the exit door) for the duration. Then the pilot literally cannot open the door without their permission.

Stephan Kinsella (1:01:13)

Another solution is genuine detrimental reliance that is non-circular. Once performance has started and it’s too late to undo the reliance (tight-rope net holder, surgeon already opened the patient, soldier deserting mid-battle, kidney donor on the table), backing out can make you causally responsible for the harm. The process has begun; you can’t “change your mind” after the fact the same way an aggressor can’t undo his aggression.

Stephan Kinsella (1:06:51)

These aren’t special problems of libertarianism—every justice theory faces real-world edge cases. Lifeboat scenarios, two guys reaching for the same stick — sometimes tragedy is possible. Libertarianism just has to do better than alternatives when peaceable resolution is possible.

Nicholas Sinard (1:09:04)

Thank you for the time. We hadn’t talked in a while — always fun.

Stephan Kinsella (1:09:10)

You’re welcome. I’m traveling until mid-January, but after that I’ll have more time. If you get more questions we can do it again.

Nicholas Sinard (1:09:28)

If you put this up as a Kinsella On Liberty, can you send me the recording anyway?

Stephan Kinsella (1:09:34)

Yeah, I’ll put it up. Nothing private was said.

Nicholas Sinard (1:09:41)

Thank you very much.

Stephan Kinsella (1:09:48)

Have a good one. Talk in late January.

Nicholas Sinard

Later.

Play
  1. Rights as Metanorms; Rights and Morals as Intersecting Sets Not as Subset of Morals. []
  2. See, e.g, these tweets by Objectivist Michael Liebowitz, admitting that in some cases it might not only be moral to violate a right but immoral not to: 1, 2 (“Suppose a guy is driving with his son, and someone shoots up his car, badly wounding the son and taking out the tires. There is no one around, and he needs to get his son to a hospital. He sees an unattended parked car and steals it, getting his son the help he needs. That would be both virtuous and a crime.”), 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 (“The person who wouldn’t steal a dollar to prevent his children from being tortured is the person who should face harsh moral judgment.”), 8.  []
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