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Plug (In) for a Buddy–contact management software

My friend Misty Khan has a good interview on Startup Houston about her company, Advena Artemis, and the launch of her software, HuntressPro. It’s an Outlook Add-in for sales contact management. It “provides contact management functionality such as call lists, referral source tracking and sales activity reporting”. Up to now she’s being doing customized versions of Huntress for customers, and is now releasing a downloadable software package with various optional plug-ins specific to various industries (e.g., for realtors). I know several customers of her earlier customized version in Houston and they all seem happy with it. (Competing products include ACT, etc., but Huntress has some advantages over it.) I’ve begun to experiment with it myself even though I’m not in sales, because it will be useful for some of the legal treatise editing work I do where I need to routinely contact or “touch” dozens of authors around the world for different phases of the publishing (initial contact; followup for due dates, etc.).

Still, though I’m finding a way to use it for my own non-sales need, HuntressPro is ideal for salespeople and sales teams who want to manage their follow-ups, contact information and sales activities directly from Outlook. It basically turns Outlook into a proper contact management software (what some people call “Customer Relationship Management,” or CRM). I highly recommend any sales professionals give this a gander.

If any of you know any salespeople or companies with sales forces that might benefit from this, feel free to pass this on. Check out the interview for more info.

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Boudreaux on Hoppe on Immigration

Update: See also material in Switzerland, Immigration, Hoppe, Raico, Callahan

See my post here (2, 34).

A few thoughts on Donald Boudreaux’s recent column Libertarians & immigration. Boudreaux starts off:

One of the most bizarre developments in the past decade or so is the insistence by a small handful of people who parade under the banner “libertarian” or “advocate of free markets” that the state has both the right and the duty to limit immigration.

The most popular version of the so-called libertarian case against immigration runs like this:

A couple of comments. First, he is clearly talking about Hans-Hermann Hoppe, though he never mentions him. Why not name names and provide a link, so people can read it on their own and see what he’s critiquing? (It’s pretty clear, though, that he is talking about Hoppe here.)

Second, Boudreaux implies that the only libertarian position is completely open borders, no restrictions at all on immigration. He implies that only a “small group” of libertarians believe otherwise; and that this view is only a “so-called” libertarian opinion; that the tiny number of people who oppose completely unrestricted immigration in present-day America merely “parade under the banner” of libertarianism. In other words, he implies that there is no real debate about this in libertarian circles. There is; and more than that, it is more than a “small group” of libertarians who oppose unrestricted immigration probably at least half, if not more, of libertarians would oppose unrestricted immigration.

In fact, an entire Journal of Libertarian Studies symposium issue a few years ago about immigration had only one open-borders advocate (as I recall) Walter Block. The rest Hoppe, Machan, Raico, Simon, Hospers, et al. if I remember right, were all against completely open borders/unrestricted immigration:

Volume 13

Introduction Ralph Raico Vol. 13 Num. 1
Are There Grounds for Limiting Immigration? Julian Simon Vol. 13 Num. 2
A Libertarian Argument Against Opening Borders John Hospers Vol. 13 Num. 3
A Libertarian Case for Free Immigration Walter Block Vol. 13 Num. 4
A Libertarian Theory of Free Immigration Jesus Huerta de Soto Vol. 13 Num. 5
Immigration Into A Free Society Tibor R. Machan Vol. 13 Num. 6
The Sanctuary Society and its Enemies Gary North Vol. 13 Num. 7
The Case for Free Trade and Restricted Immigration Hans-Hermann Hoppe Vol. 13 Num. 8

 

How can anyone argue that being in favor of some restrictions on immigration is clearly unlibertarian, and held by only a tiny minority of libertarians? I myself am extremely skeptical of any state involvement in immigration policy; and I do not claim that any of these libertarian opponents of unrestricted immigration are right. I am not here appealing to an argument from authority or from numbers. But I do believe it is dishonest for Boudreaux to imply that this is a settled issue among libertarians; that only a few kooks hold the “outlier” idea that we should not have open borders; that only a “handful” of libertarians disagree with the unrestricted immigration advocates. Boudreaux may be correct in his policy views; but he should not try to bolster his argument by falsely implying that most libertarians agree with him and that most do not agree with his opponents, or that there is no real dispute here.

He continues:

Each private property owner has the moral right (and should have the legal right) to ban from his property, or to admit onto his property, anyone he chooses. In a free society, no one is coerced into unwanted associations with others.

Therefore, because in a fully free society all land would be privately owned and government would be limited (at most) to keeping the peace, immigration policy in this society would be highly decentralized, in the hands of each of the many property owners. Each property owner would choose his own “immigration policy.”

But we do not live in a fully free society. We’re stuck with a large and intrusive government, one that owns enormous tracts of land and public facilities. Given that excessive government is a reality that will not soon disappear, the best that citizens of a democratic society can hope for on the immigration front is that their overly powerful government mimics the immigration policies that a fully free society would adopt.

Because there would be no free admission in a fully free society again, each private owner could chose to admit or not to admit anyone seeking to enter his property there should be no free admission in today’s less-than-free society. Indeed, say these “libertarian” skeptics of immigration, open immigration today is tantamount to forced integration. Citizens who do not wish to associate with foreigners are forced to do so by a government that too freely admits foreign immigrants.

They are also forced by virtue of anti-discrimination and affirmative action laws. Why does he ignore this? As Hoppe points out here:

If a domestic resident-owner invites a person and arranges for his access onto the resident-owner’s property but the government excludes this person from the state territory, it is a case of forced exclusion (a phenomenon that does not exist in a natural order). On the other hand, if the government admits a person while there is no domestic resident-owner who has invited this person onto his property, it is a case of forced integration (also nonexistent in a natural order, where all movement is invited). … By admitting someone onto its territory, the state also permits this person to proceed on public roads and lands to every domestic resident’s doorsteps, to make use of all public facilities and services (such as hospitals and schools), and to access every commercial establishment, employment, and residential housing, protected by a multitude of non-discrimination laws.

Anyway, to continue with Boudreaux:

From a pro-individual-liberty perspective, this argument for limiting immigration is deeply confused.

First, to ask government to mimic the outcomes of a pure private property rights system is to come dangerously close to asking government to treat the entire country as if that country is the private property of the state. What an irony!

I agree with this: to the extent the immigration laws prevent people from entering onto private property, he has a point. The state is indeed assuming partial ownership of the property of private owners when it prevents them from allowing a given invitee there just as it assumes partial ownership of their property and bodies when it taxes it or prohibits the use of narcotics.

But what is his disagreement with Hoppe here? First, as noted above, Hoppe acknowledges that “If a domestic resident-owner invite a person and arranges for his access onto the resident-owner’s property but the government excludes this person from the state territory, it is a case of forced exclusion” and he opposes this. It is why Hoppe believes the state should not prohibit people with invitations from entering, as noted here (231-32). Of course, since Boudreaux does not even name Hoppe in his piece, the reader cannot be expected to know this.

Our author continues:

Anyone who advocates such a policy overlooks the single most important reason for strictly limiting government’s power: Unlike true owners of private property, government can resort to force to increase the size of its property holdings and the value of its portfolio. Government is not an owner of private property. Restrictions on government discretion are appropriate precisely because government possesses a legitimized monopoly on coercion.

This is true. But it does not mean a foreign immigrant has some right to enter public property in the US; it does not mean his rights are violated solely by virtue of not being permitted to use the roads, say he has no right to the roads at all. As I argued in A Simple Libertarian Argument Against Unrestricted Immigration and Open Borders, if the state simply refused to allow some immigrants onto its property—roads, basically—then this would still restrict immigration (as a practical matter), and it would not mean the state is treating the whole country as “its” own any more than it already is. It is already setting rules on its property. The question is: what rules should be set? Yes, we all want the state to disband and return public property to the real owners. But in the meantime, it has some rules governing that property’s use. What should those rules be? Hoppe recognizes both the problem of forced exclusion and forced integration caused by state interference in our lives, and for this reason he prefers for the state to dissolve; and one method he advocates to achieve this is secession:

the solution to the immigration problem is at the same time the solution to the general problem inherent in the institution of a State and of public property. It involves the return to a natural order by means of secession. To regain security from domestic and foreign intrusion and invasion, the central nation States will have to be broken up into their constituent parts. The Austrian and the Italian central States do not own Austrian and Italian public property; they are its citizens’ trustees. Yet they do not protect them and their property. Hence, just as the Austrians and the Italians (and not foreigners) are the owners of Austria and Italy, so by extension of the same principle do the Carinthians and the Lombards (in accordance with individual tax payments) own Carinthia and Lombardy, and the Bergamese Bergamo (and not the Viennese and the Roman governments).

In a decisive first step, individual provinces, regions, cities, towns and villages must declare their independence from Rome, Vienna, Berlin, Paris, and proclaim their status as “free territories.” Extensive efforts by the central States to the contrary notwithstanding, strong provincial affiliations and attachments still l exist in many regions, cities and villages all across Europe. It is vital to tap into these provincial and local sentiments in taking this first step. With every successive act of regional secession the power of the central State will be diminished. It will be stripped of more of its public property, its agents’ range of access will increasingly be restricted, and its laws will apply in smaller and smaller territories, until it ultimately withers away.

However, it is essential to go beyond “political secession” to the privatization of property. …

In Nations by Consent: Decomposing the Nation-State, Rothbard himself makes a similar argument is he now just a “so-called” libertarian?

However, on rethinking immigration on the basis of the anarcho-capitalist model, it became clear to me that a totally privatized country would not have “open borders” at all. If every piece of land in a country were owned by some person, group or corporation, this would mean that no immigrant could enter unless invited to enter and allowed to rent or purchase property. A totally privatized country would be as closed as the particular inhabitants and property owners desire. It seems clear, then, that the regime of open borders that exists de facto in the U.S. really amounts to a compulsory opening by the central state, the state in charge of all streets and public land areas, and does not genuinely reflect the wishes of the proprietors .

Boudreaux’s attempt to show opponents of unrestricted immigration as being analogous to (or logically compelled to support) opponents of free speech backfires badly:

Consider, for example, the right of free speech. Would it be sensible to argue that, because each private-property owner has the right to regulate what is said on his property, government in our less-than-libertarian world should have the power to regulate speech uttered in public places or over public airwaves?

Of course not. But such an argument is analogous to the “libertarian” argument for government restrictions on immigration.Secondly, labeling open immigration as “forced integration” is disingenuous. Such a practice is identical to labeling freedom of speech as “forced listening.”

Well, I have news for Mr. Boudreaux: in today’s society, “Freedom of speech” does amount to “forced listening.” For example, the state tells private malls that they must allow “free speech rights” there on their own property, forcing property owners and their customers to listen. The state, via the FCC, controls the airwaves and regulates what is said on TV. Under the “fairness doctrine” (which might be revived again) the state controls what is said on radio and tv shows. The state advertises all the time, it pays people to spread its message (including all the state employees who naturally promote their own agency’s existence), and worst of all it monopolizes schooling and forces people into it, forces us to pay for it, and force-feeds students with all manner of pro-state propaganda! Of course “free speech” has been distorted by the state into a type of “forced listening”! What a terrible counterexample.

In fact, of course, keeping government from regulating speech is not at all identical to forcing people to listen. Likewise, allowing people to immigrate into a country is not the same thing as forcing citizens of that country to associate with immigrants.

This comment is confusing, because Boudreaux has to be familiar with affirmative action or anti-discrimination laws. To repeat the comments of Hoppe quoted above:

if the government admits a person while there is no domestic resident-owner who has invited this person onto his property, it is a case of forced integration (also nonexistent in a natural order, where all movement is invited). … By admitting someone onto its territory, the state also permits this person to proceed on public roads and lands to every domestic resident’s doorsteps, to make use of all public facilities and services (such as hospitals and schools), and to access every commercial establishment, employment, and residential housing, protected by a multitude of non-discrimination laws.

Boudreaux continues:

Under a regime of open immigration, I need not hire or befriend anyone whom I don’t wish to hire or befriend.

What? So if a recent Mexican immigrant comes here, I can refuse to hire him on the grounds that I don’t want any more hispanics in my workplace? Interesting. I guess the anti-discrimination laws have been silently repealed. I was unaware of this. Ahem.

Indeed, whenever the U.S. government restricts immigration it coercively prevents me, an American, from hiring or befriending on my own property whomever I choose to hire or befriend.

Yes, as Hoppe—Boudreaux’s bête noire—agrees, as noted above: this is forced exclusion; Hoppe opposes it; this is one reason why he opposes the state; this is why he believes the state should not exclude those with an invitation. And, as noted above, if the state simply refused to allow certain non-approved immigrants to use the public property that the state is already controlling, this complaint would largely evaporate. As Rothbard himself implied.
To continue with Boudreaux’s column:

An immigrant who receives no welfare payments engages only in consensual capitalist acts with those (and only those) domestic citizens who choose to deal with the immigrant.

Well, yes as noted, Hoppe would, I think, largely agree with this. But does this mean that Boudreaux is not adopting the standard libertarian line that so long as the welfare state exists, we “cannot have” unrestricted immigration? That that immigrants who are entitled to welfare should not be allowed in that his open-borders advocacy is conditioned on certain policy changes here? Just like that of many opponents of unrestricted immigration that Boudreaux apparently relegates to kook status?

Just as trade restraints are, at bottom, unjustified restrictions on the freedoms of domestic citizens, so, too, are immigration restraints unjustified restrictions on the freedoms of domestic citizens.

Yes, Hoppe also opposes forced exclusion by the state. Hoppe readily acknowledges that it violates a property owner’s rights to prevent him from inviting someone: this is the problem of the state: its immigration policies will harm some citizens by excluding them from inviting someone; and it will harm others by forcing them to associate with immigrants (by allowing them free transportation over its roads; by forcing employers to hire them via anti-discrimination and affirmative action laws; by preventing neighborhoods or clubs from refusing to deal with them, by means of anti-discrimination laws).
Boudreaux wants to acknowledge only the first type of problem; Hoppe acknowledges both, and advocates the real solution: get rid of the state; he also discusses a second-best approach, which is the type of policies the state ought to have, so long as it is controlling the legal system, setting rules on public property, etc.

Thirdly, even if some coherent justification could be given in the abstract for restricting immigration, it is curious in the extreme that any proponent of liberty is willing in practice to trust government with the power to pick and choose which foreigners we domestic citizens are permitted to deal with on our home shores.

There is no reason to believe that government will exercise this power more prudently and intelligently than it exercises other powers.

Yes, I agree. But why does Boudreaux assume Hoppe trusts government? Hoppe in his immigration pieces rails against the state and shows why it’s likely to have terrible immigration policies especially a democratic state. That’s why he advocates secession and decentralization and ultimately, anarchy. In fact, as I noted in Palmer On Hoppe, in Hoppe’s LRC piece On Free Immigration and Forced Integration, he writes:

What should one hope for and advocate as the relatively correct immigration policy, however, as long as the democratic central state is still in place and successfully arrogates the power to determine a uniform national immigration policy? The best one may hope for, even if it goes against the “nature” of a democracy and thus is not very likely to happen, is that the democratic rulers act as if they were the personal owners of the country and as if they had to decide who to include and who to exclude from their own personal property (into their very own houses). This means following a policy of utmost discrimination: of strict discrimination in favor of the human qualities of skill, character, and cultural compatibility.

Notice here Hoppe does not endorse the state or “socialism”; but recognizing current reality, says the democratic state if it does not disband should in the meantime act “as if they were the personal owners of the country”. Clearly Hoppe here simply means the state, since it has taken the citizens’ private property, ought at least to use it as the private property owners would, i.e., try to act as their trustee, and use their own property for the owners’ benefit. This at least reduces the damage done to them. Hoppe however realizes this is unlikely, since we have democracy. This is why he points out elsewhere that monarchy is better (in some respects) than democracy (though still inferior to anarcho-capitalism), since the monarch has more incentives to have a better immigration policy, to increase the value of “his” private property, unlike democratic lawmakers who have an incentive to select on the basis of bad qualities which correlate with voting more pro-state, pro-redistribution, etc. Since he views monarchy under which the individual monarch “owns” the whole country, in a sense, and thus has better incentives to have better immigration selection criteria so as to increase the wealth of “his” holdings as superior to democracy in this respect, he is advocating that the democracy act more like the monarch would, which is to act “as if they were the personal owners of the country,” since this is more in the interest of the confiscated property owners/citizens. He advocates such a policy even though democracy’s perverse incentives make this unlikely (which is why Hoppe opposes democracy).

In other words, Hoppe does not trust the state; he wants to abolish it for this very reason. He in fact thinks it’s unlikely the democratic state will adopt better policies “it goes against the ‘nature’ of a democracy and thus is not very likely to happen”. So what is Boudreaux talking about? If he’s an anarchist (can’t tell for sure from this), he and Hoppe both want the state to be abolished to eliminate the problems it causes although apparently Hoppe wants to avoid the problems of both forced exclusion and forced integration, whereas Boudreaux is concerned with only one of these problems. And if Boudreaux is not an anarchist, what does he have to complain about the state will do what the state will do or, as Mises noted:

No socialist author ever gave a thought to the possibility that the abstract entity which he wants to vest with unlimited power—whether it is called humanity, society, nation, state, or government—could act in a way of which he himself disapproves.

Followup post:

re: Boudreaux on Hoppe on Immigration

Posted by Stephan Kinsella on September 15, 2007 01:28 PM

Tom, (re my previous post)– yes, and, besides the prominent libertarians in the JLS symposium issue, and the ones you cite–Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, and Thomas Sowell–there’s also Stephen Cox, editor of Liberty; and, of course, Mises, who also rejected the idea of completely unrestricted immigration (Omnipotent Government, p. 105):

“These considerations are not a plea for opening America and the British Dominions to German, Italian, and Japanese immigrants. Under present conditions America and Australia would simply commit suicide by admitting Nazis, Fascists, and Japanese. They could as well directly surrender to the Führer and to the Mikado. Immigrants from the totalitarian countries are today the vanguard of their armies, a fifth column whose invasion would render all measures of defense useless. America and Australia can preserve their freedom, their civilizations, and their economic institutions only by rigidly barring access to the subjects of the dictators. But these conditions are the outcome of etatism. In the liberal past the immigrants came not as pacemakers of conquest but as loyal citizens of their new country.”

Update: And, from this post Reply to Neverfox on immigration: “Whatever Mileage We Put On, We’ll Take Off”:

Yes, and this is perhaps one reason why Hoppe himself, on p. 148 of his Democracy book:

Abolishing forced integration requires the de-democratization of society and ultimately the abolition of democracy. More specifically, the power to admit or exclude should be stripped from the hands of the central government and reassigned to the states, provinces, cities, towns, villages, residential districts, and ultimately to private property owners and their voluntary associations.

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The Blockean Proviso

Related:

From Mises Blog, Sept. 11, 2007; Archived comments below:

[See also Down With the Lockean Proviso (March 13, 2009); and Ł]

The Blockean Proviso

I was having an interesting discussion via email about one of Walter Block’s arguments. A quick summary. Block says that just as nature abhors a vacuum, libertarianism “abhors” unowned property; that the “whole purpose” of homesteading is to bring hitherto unowned virgin territory into private ownership.

Block imagines someone who homesteads a donut-shaped circle of land, and won’t let anyone use his land to get to the unowned property in the middle of his donut. He argues that libertarian homesteading theory “abhors” land which cannot be claimed nor owned because of the land ownership pattern of a “forestaller”–a person who has encircled the land. In other words, if your property is somehow “necessary” for others to use, to get to unowned property, they have a sort of easement over it.{C}(Block argues this in Libertarianism, Positive Obligations and Property Abandonment: Children’s Rights; “Roads, Bridges, Sunlight and Private Property: Reply to Gordon Tullock,” Journal des Economistes et des Etudes Humaines 8, no. 2/3 (June-September 1998): 315-26; and other publications, such as some of his articles on abortion: e.g. “Terri Schiavo: A Libertarian Analysis”; “Compromising the Uncompromisable: A Private Property Rights Approach to Resolving the Abortion Controversy“; “Stem Cell Research: The Libertarian Compromise“; “Abortion, Woman and Fetus: Rights in Conflict?”; “Toward a Libertarian Theory of Abortion [Libertarian Forum, Vol. X, No. 9 (Sep. 1977): pp. 6–8].”) (Update: see KOL443 | Abortion: A Radically Decentralist Approach (PFS 2024).)

Now his purpose in making this argument is to make an argument about the duty of parents to notify others that they are abandoning their kid and to let them come rescue the child, but we are talking here about his “forestalling” argument itself.

As best I can understand it, Block’s “forestalling” conclusion seems to be incorrect. It would imply a general easement right over everyone’s property on behalf of everyone else if they “need” that property to “get to” some other property they want to be on. I see no special status of the unowned property; it’s just property someone would like to go homestead. If they can’t reach it, it’s not the fault of those who have this resource surrounded.

In other words, after Rothbard, Hoppe (p. 246) and de Jasay (p. 91) have buried the Lockean proviso, Walter gives us a new one: the Blockean Proviso. The Lockean Proviso says that you may homestead an unowned good but only if “enough and as good” is left for others–that is, if you don’t harm them by your homesteading action by making it more difficult for them to have a similar opportunity to homestead some goods of that type. Both Block and I would reject this. But the Blockean Proviso would say that you can only homestead property that is a potential means of access to other unowned resource so long as enough and as good access to the unowned resource remains available!

We can generalize this Blockean Proviso: You can only homestead property that is located between two arbitrary external locations A and B, where some third might potentially want to travel over the property to travel from A to B.

From comments to me, Block also seems to believe that if you own a circle of property and some people live in the territory inside the circle, you are “trapping” them if you don’t let them use your property to “leave” the circle. This comment seems to confirm my concerns about his view and how it could be generalized to some kind of “necessity-easement” not limited to the homesteading case.

Let’s imagine a rectangular island with 3 people: A, B, and C. B owns the middle stripe, A and B own the pieces on the ends. Suppose A wants to visit C. He has to cross B’s property. He has a right to visit C, if C invites him, and if he has a means of getting there. But he has no means of getting there. So?

I assume Block would agree with me in this above example–that A has no easement over B’s property; that he can only visit C if B permits him to. But in Block’s theory, if C dies, all of a sudden this confers to A an easement-over-B’s-land! How can this be?

Let me close with a final quote from Hoppe, pointed out to me by Johan Ridenfeldt:

In fact, what strikes Conway as a counterintuitive implication of the homesteading ethic, and then leads him to reject it, can easily be interpreted quite differently. It is true, as Conway says, that this ethic would allow for the possibility of the entire world’s being homesteaded. What about newcomers in this situation, who own nothing but their physical bodies? Cannot the homesteaders restrict access to their property for these newcomers and would this not be intolerable? I fail to see why. (Empirically, of course, the problem does not exist: if it were not for governments’ restricting access to unowned land, there would still be plenty of empty land around!) These newcomers come into existence somewhere – normally one would think as children born to parents who are owners or renters of land (if they came from Mars, and no one wanted them here, so what?; they assumed a risk in coming, and if they now have to return, tough luck!). If the parents do not provide for the newcomers, they are free to search the world over for employers, sellers, or charitable contributors — and a society ruled by the homesteading ethic would be, as Conway admits, the most prosperous one possible! If they still could not find anyone willing to employ, support, or trade with them, why not ask “What’s wrong with them?” instead of Conway’s feeling sorry for them? Apparently they must be intolerably unpleasant fellows and had better shape up, or they deserve no other treatment. Such, in fact, would be my own intuitive reaction.

Hoppe, Four Critical Replies, last page.

Now, it’s interesting that Hoppe here criticizes the state for restricting access to unowned property — but Block is criticizing private actors who do it… In any event, as Johan noted, the “tough luck!” line is key here. It is not directly relevant, only tangential, but the view expressed here seems to be compatible with my view that there is not any special problem if a would-be homesteader is unable to arrange for the permissions he needs to reach the target unowned resource.

Thoughts?

 

Update: Is Fermilab’s Tevatron unlibertarian for encircling a plot of land (and presumably preventing access to it to minimize traffic vibrations interfering with the particle smasher’s operation).

Update: My comment below refers to Roderick Long’s post Easy Rider: my comments to that have the following updated link: http://aaeblog.com/2007/09/11/easy-rider/comment-page-1/#comment-30130.

Archived comments:

Franklin Harris September 11, 2007 at 6:09 pm

In Block’s example, I think he is creating a problem where one doesn’t exist. If someone homesteads all the way around “unowned” property, he would seem to me to be homesteading the property in the middle, too, simply by virtue of the fact that he is taking away the prospect of someone else homesteading it. The problem Brock describes could only arise if the property in the middle were homesteaded first, then someone else came along later and homesteaded around it, in which case the first property holder should have already secured (homesteaded or purchased) an outlet (easement) for himself in the first place.

Axel Riemer September 11, 2007 at 7:57 pm

exactly correct. I also reject the Blockean proviso. Out in the country, this situation arises more often than you would imagine, with foolish people buying land before they think of how to access it. My father, eternally wise, imparted this to me, “Grant an easement? Ha! My mother didn’t raise no fool!” Specifically, two examples, one textbook, and one extremely relevant.

The first: some person purchased a landlocked block of land adjoining ours, with no road access. He wished to build a log cabin style condo to rent out as a vacation home (you can imagine how welcome that would have been, right next to our property), and to do so, he wanted an easement so he could have a driveway over our land. Of course we said, Heck NO! And his land was then, largely worthless to him, as he didn’t want to live there himself. Whose fault is that?

Second example: a close relation of the family also owns a landlocked block of land where he lives. The driveway to the house enters into our property, but he has our permission (not an easement) to use the driveway. My family gets along fairly well. However, when he passes (as may come fairly soon), there being no easement, this land and the house won’t be of much value, since there is no direct access. The only likely people to buy the property are those within the family, or close friends with which we can come to an understanding.

I believe the situation in the second case was due to our beloved township government, which has a tendency to straighten roads whenever possible. They moved the road to the east, onto the corner of our land, and he lost his access to the road, unless we could be induced to sell.

So as you can see, this problem does occur in the real world, it can be attributed to people who buy before they think (why should I accommodate them?) and situations created by inattentive land developers and infrastructure agents.

ted September 11, 2007 at 8:14 pm

let us assume Kinsella appropriates a donut-shaped circle of land, and that he must allow others access to appropriate the unowned land in the middle. but if Block legitimately walks across Kinsella’s donut and works tirelessly to acquire title to that middle portion, on what basis must Kinsella allow Block to exit? not because there is unowned property to be homesteaded, that’s for sure.

Roderick T. Long September 11, 2007 at 8:23 pm

I’ve posted some preliminary thoughts here: http://praxeology.net/blog/2007/09/11/easy-rider.

Anthony September 11, 2007 at 9:32 pm

Intuitively I am against the Blockean proviso, but this is before reading Long’s article, so we’ll see. :P

BK Marcus September 11, 2007 at 10:34 pm

Franklin Harris, you seem to be assuming that one can legitimately homestead an arbitrarily large territory simply by restricting other people’s access to it.

But that’s not compatible with libertarian homesteading theory (or at least not with Rothbardian homesteading theory, which both Hoppe and Block would claim to follow).

According to Rothbard, the amount of property legitimately available for immediate homesteading is the smallest amount necessary for the purpose to which the homesteader is putting the new property. This is the Relevant Technological Unit (RTU) or just “technological unit,” and Rothbard discusses it in Man, Economy, and StateFor a New Liberty (part 5 and part 12) and most thoroughly in “Law, Property Rights, and Air Pollution.” 1

Especially in this last essay — which is really a presentation of general property theory as much or more than it is a policy paper on pollution — Rothbard makes clear that spatial or territorial conceptions of property are misguided. What we legitimately own is exclusive claim to particular uses of resources, not necessarily spatial boundaries, not even in land.

From a Rothbardian perspective, then, the idea that someone might homestead, one RTU at a time, what turns out to be a ring around unowned land, is not at all out of the question.

The issue then that Block and Kinsella disagree on is this: to what extent has this homesteader legitimately claimed a property right in excluding access to the unowned land?

In rejecting the Common Law ad coelum rule, Rothbard wrote, “If one homesteads and uses the soil, in what sense is he also using all the sky above him up into heaven? Clearly, he isn’t.”

Similarly, one might ask, “If one homesteads and uses a donut-shaped patch of soil, in what sense is he also using the undisturbed soil in the middle?”

“Clearly,” answers Walter Block, “he isn’t.”

Stephan Kinsella September 11, 2007 at 11:05 pm

BK:

Good points, but I don’t think you have it quite right. I agree that there are limits on how much you can homestead. I also think there are different ways to homestead. In both Thoughts on the Latecomer and Homesteading Ideas; or, why the very idea of “ownership” implies that only libertarian principles are justifiable and Thoughts on Intellectual Property, Scarcity, Labor-ownership, Metaphors, and Lockean Homesteading I note Hoppe’s emphasis on “embordering” as the primary means of homesteading:

Often the question is asked as to what types of acts constitute or are sufficient for homesteading (or “embordering” as Hoppe sometimes refers to it); what type of “labor” must be “mixed with” a thing; and to what property does the homesteading extend? What “counts” as “sufficient” homesteading? Etc. And we can see that in a way the answer to these questions is related to the issue of what is the thing in dispute. In other words, if B claims ownership of a thing possessed (or formerly possessed) by A, then the very framing of the dispute helps to identify what the thing is and what counts as possession of it. If B claims ownership of a given resource, he must want the right to control it according to its nature. Then the question becomes, did someone else previously control it (according to its nature); i.e., did someone else already homestead it, so that B is only a latecomer? This ties in with de Jasay’s “let exclusion stand” principle, which rests on the idea that if someone is actually able to control a resource such that others are excluded, then this exclusion should “stand.” Of course, the physical nature of a given scarce resource and the way in which humans use such resources will determine the nature of actions needed to “control” it and exclude others.
De Jasay, as a matter of fact, considers two basic types of appropriation: “finding and keeping” and “enclosure” (p. 174). The former applies primarily to movable objects that may be found, taken, and hidden or used exclusively. Since the thing has no other owner, prima facie no one is entitled to object to the first possessor claiming ownership.
For immovable property (land), possession is taken by “enclosing” the land and incurring exclusion costs, e.g., erecting a fence (again, similar to Hoppe’s “embordering”–establishing an objective, intersubjectively ascertainable border).

So what I think this means, BK, is that fencing is one way of establishing borders in what you own. Building a house on land, or plowing fields and planting crops might be another. They all emborder.

Just as a given use might be too ephemeral or trivial to “count”, the same might be said of a fence–the fence might not be sufficient to emborder; it may be too temporary or invisible. Or it may try to enclose too-big an area. If I build a fence around a few acres, where use of a few acres is a “relevant technological unit” (it’s typical to use this for crops and a yard and a house), then doing the fence alone may be enough, along with some ground work preparations or signs of use. Even if one left some patches of un-transformed, “virgin” forest alone inside this fence. While a 20,000 mile “fence” along the borders of the North American continent would not be enough to homestead it. (Block also goes into this in the paper:

There are of course questions about the precise meaning of “mixing your labor with the land”. How intensive does the farming have to be? One plant every square foot, yard, meter, acre, mile? How many crops must be planted before ownership obtains? The answer that emanates from this perspective is Whatever is the usual practice in land of that sort. For example, in the relatively irrigated land east of the Mississippi, the farming must be more intensive; in the more arid land west of this river, less intensive. As to how long the homesteading process must take before full property rights are vested, this, too, is a social and cultural matter.

So I think we are all of us on the same page here: Block, Hoppe, Rothbard, and we lesser mortals too.

So the upshot is that homesteading a circle of land might be sufficient to homestead the interior, just like fencing a small tract could be. But it also might not be, if the circle is too large. But in either case, the circle/donut is itself hometeaded. Yes yes, it’s the “use of” the circle as a RTU that matters, but we can assume the donut-tract owner wants to use it for some purpose that is contrary to others walking across it. Why, after all, would someone want such an odd shaped land? Maybe he wants to build a cyclotron. I don’t know. So he doesn’t give a damn about the interior–he doesn’t want it, doesn’t need it, doesn’t claim it. But he does own that cyclotron, and he doesn’t want trucks driving across it.

So, if it’s a small cyclotron–say, just 50M diameter–then he probably has homesteaded the interior whether he likes it or not. If it’s a huge one, like the 20-mile-diameter SSC that was going to be built in Texas, then the “fencing” is not sufficient to own the interior land. However, it is sufficient to effectively block access to the interior (arguendo).

So I disagree, BK, when you frame the argument this way:

The issue then that Block and Kinsella disagree on is this: to what extent has this homesteader legitimately claimed a property right in excluding access to the unowned land?
In rejecting the Common Law ad coelum rule, Rothbard wrote, “If one homesteads and uses the soil, in what sense is he also using all the sky above him up into heaven? Clearly, he isn’t.”
Similarly, one might ask, “If one homesteads and uses a donut-shaped patch of soil, in what sense is he also using the undisturbed soil in the middle?”
“Clearly,” answers Walter Block, “he isn’t.”

I can readily agree that the donut-tract owner does not literally own the interior–that is, he didn’t actually homestead it. Because the perimeter is too big; or he didn’t claim it. Fine. I also agree that Harris may be wrong in assuming *every* perimeter-homesteading homesteads the middle. Some would; others would not. But the question is: does failing to homestead the interior mean you grant an easement over the thing you do homestead? I still fail to see why it does.

Look. Most of the universe is now unowned. Most of it we can’t reach. Hell, most of our solar system is unowned and unreachable. Hell, most of our *planet* is unowned and unreachable (consider the interior; or the ocean floors). So what? There will always be locations or unowned resources that humans are either unable to reach, or it’s too expensive to reach. If there’s a patch of unowned land that is unreachable because it’s enclosed by owned tracts (picture an acre of woods in the middle of Wyoming, land-locked and surrounded by a crazy-quilt patchwork of thousands of other tracts), so what?

averros September 11, 2007 at 11:08 pm

Actually, the question of encircling someone else’s property can be resolved quite simply in accordance with the Lockean homesteading.

Habitual passage to and from property to other places (which is necessary to homestead that property in the first place!) does alter the unowned tracts of land – by creating paths, roads, etc. These must be considered homesteaded, so no further homesteading of the land prohibiting the travel along these paths is possible.

If someone encircled a completely unowned piece of land, then, well, someone else can still homestead it, by flying in and out on a helicopter.

(Note that traveling on land or water does not alter the space along the specific paths, thus air and water travel does not create homesteading – however erecting tall buildings or doing aerobatics in approach zones of airports will endanger safety of users of the airports, which is an aggression against their persons, so the airport owners (acting as proxies to the pilots and passengers) have a right to ask intruders to keep clear from the approach airspace – although they do not own it).

Stephan Kinsella September 11, 2007 at 11:28 pm

I noted this on Roderick’s blog too:

I had asked him:

Roderick, imagine a guy who owns an acre of land in Kansas. He’s surrounded by a patchwork of millions of tracts of land owned by other private owners. Say he wants to go to France. The only way to get there is to get permission to cross over the property of thousands of others. What if none of them grant it? Then does he have an easement over any property he selects, even though he doesn’t need it (he only needs a few). If he only has one easement-route, that seems arbitrary.
You can imagine the donut is owned by 100 people. Cross any of their tracts gets him in or out. Which one does he have an easement over?

Rockerick’s answer to “Which one does he have an easement over?”: “I’m inclined to think: whichever one he likes, unless the owners come to some other agreement. You have a right to defend yourself against a rights-violation, whether the rights-violator is an individual or a group.”

My reply:

Roderick, by your argument, if A lives 3000 miles from B, and B invites A, then you are implying that A has an easement across hundreds or thousands or tracts (assuming he has no road; that everyone in between refuses him entry).

Now I see a new way to build roads: let a bunch of people choose some easement-path from A to B. Over time, this path is used so much, it’s sort of a road. Then they sell their easement to Block’s Road and Provisions Company.

Hey Walter–a new twist on your road theorizing!

Stephan Kinsella September 11, 2007 at 11:33 pm

Averros: “If someone encircled a completely unowned piece of land, then, well, someone else can still homestead it, by flying in and out on a helicopter.”

That’s fighting the hypo. Walter assumes this is not possible.

Stephan Kinsella September 11, 2007 at 11:40 pm

Alex:

“The first: some person purchased a landlocked block of land adjoining ours, with no road access. He wished to build a log cabin style condo to rent out as a vacation home (you can imagine how welcome that would have been, right next to our property), and to do so, he wanted an easement so he could have a driveway over our land. Of course we said, Heck NO! And his land was then, largely worthless to him, as he didn’t want to live there himself. Whose fault is that?”

Re this, see the civil code articles I cited. They quite properly don’t give any relief to someone who allowed the state to be enclosed.

Second example: a close relation of the family also owns a landlocked block of land where he lives. The driveway to the house enters into our property, but he has our permission (not an easement) to use the driveway. My family gets along fairly well. However, when he passes (as may come fairly soon), there being no easement, this land and the house won’t be of much value, since there is no direct access. The only likely people to buy the property are those within the family, or close friends with which we can come to an understanding.

How do you konw he doesn’t have an easement? You gave him permission? Are you sure he doesn’t now have an easement by estoppel, or by acquisitive prescription? IF I were you I would be very careful not to establish some kind of claim on his estate’s part here–only allow him to use it per a written agreement that specifies that it’s not an easement, just a temporary thing personal to him, that you can withdraw whenever you want, etc.–it doesn’t “run with the land,” etc. (ask a lawyer who konws this area of law–not my specialty).

Franklin Harris September 12, 2007 at 2:48 am

BK Marcus,

OK, it’s far too late for me to try to go into too much detail, but my initial thought is that if “the smallest amount necessary for the purpose to which the homesteader is putting the new property” is the issue, then the situation where one could legitimately claim the “donut” while not laying claim to the “hole” stretches credulity. If the claim to the hole is suspect, then the claim to the entirety of the circumference would seem to be in doubt, too. The “smallest amount necessary” is problematic in and of itself, seeing as it is a subjective judgment.

Artisan September 12, 2007 at 3:10 am

Thanks for the insight from BK Marcus, also the individual answers from Dr. Kinsella and Franklin Harris make the problem more understandable.

Please can you tell what is the homesteading principle of a subterranean resource like an oil field thus, according to each of you?

Stephen Forde September 12, 2007 at 3:25 am

I think the problem of land lock is pretty easy to solve. If a person travels from their property, at point A, frequently to point B and back, no one has the right to homestead land between A and B which the person travels on without providing an easement. This is true regardless of whether the frequent traveler has left any physically recognizable impact in the form of dirt paths or some other mark.

If it is not true that a person appropriates the rights to same use of a scarce resource through frequent use, what argument can there be against erecting a smoke stack next to someone’s house when they are away? If they only have a right to the physical property they have brought under their control (as Hoppe defines it, see his Origin of Private Property and the Family pg.7), then they only own their land and house. Air is only brought under control the moment it is breathed into our bodies. Before that moment we do nothing to physically alter the air. How can we have a claim to it?

My argument is simply this. Frequent appropriation and abandonment of a scarce resource homesteads a claim to such continued use of the resource. A second comer can only then permanently bring the scarce resource under their control, but only if they provide an easement and cede control to the first comer when he wishes to use it again. But the first comer may only have exclusive control no more frequently than before. Any more and he would be infringing upon the property rights of the second comer.

Furthermore if a person lives on their property all their life and has never traveled outside of it, they have no right to an easement. With regard to the Blockean proviso, it implies that the new comer has a positive right over the homesteader, and therefore contradicts the nonaggression principle. Block contradicts himself by arguing a positive right.

Stephan Kinsella September 11, 2007 at 10:39 pm

I posted the following in reply to Roderick on his blog:Roderick, imagine a guy who owns an acre of land in Kansas. He’s surrounded by a patchwork of millions of tracts of land owned by other private owners. Say he wants to go to France. The only way to get there is to get permission to cross over the property of thousands of others. What if none of them grant it? Then does he have an easement over any property he selects, even though he doesn’t need it (he only needs a few). If he only has one easement-route, that seems arbitrary.You can imagine the donut is owned by 100 people. Cross any of their tracts gets him in or out. Which one does he have an easement over?Or how about this. Imagine a fully-owned planet. I want to fly to Jupiter. I can build a rocket, but I don’t own enough land to place it on. I need a 100 acre tract to use as a takeoff pad. No one will sell me their land. Do I have a “rocketpad” easement on — someone’s? — property? Otherwise, they’re “trapping” me here on earth.***BTW, Roderick, you may find of interest some of the following, drawn from a previous comment I made on a libertarian list–”the problem of enclosing others’ estates is not a new one that is the product of the imagination of libertarian theorists in their armchairs. It is a problem since antiquity and the law has found ways to deal with it. Maybe libertarian, maybe not, but one would think that one would want to be aware of and analyze these practical solutions which were found by people trying to find a just solution to an apparently conflict of property rights. Why we think we would be any better at it than them, I don’t know, assuming their attempt to solve the problem was not based on any non-libertarian premises or rationales. In short, maybe we can lean something from history? Maybe a study of continental civil codes, or the Roman law, or the common law, might prove fruitful? If a libertarian society were achieved, do we think judges faced with difficult decisions might not read up on what judges 500 years ago did in similar cases?Now: as an example: see articles 689 etc. of the Louisiana Civil Code — this contains codified legal principles roughly based on those developed over centuries in the Roman law (see arts. 693-94 especially)Art. 689. Enclosed estate; right of passage.The owner of an estate that has no access to a public road may claim a right of passage over neighboring property to the nearest public road. He is bound to indemnify his neighbor for the damage he may occasion.Art. 690. Extent of passage.The right of passage for the benefit of an enclosed estate shall be suitable for the kind of traffic that is reasonably necessary for the use of that estate.Art. 691. Constructions.The owner of the enclosed estate may construct on the right of way the type of road or railroad reasonably necessary for the exercise of the servitude [i.e., “easement“].Art. 692. Location of passage.The owner of the enclosed estate may not demand the right of passage anywhere he chooses. The passage generally shall be taken along the
shortest route from the enclosed estate to the public road at the location least injurious to the intervening lands.Art. 693. Enclosed estate; voluntary act.If an estate becomes enclosed as a result of a voluntary act or omission of its owner, the neighbors are not bound to furnish a passage to him or his successors.Art. 694. Enclosed estate; voluntary alienation or partition.When in the case of partition, or a voluntary alienation of an estate or of a part thereof, property alienated or partitioned becomes enclosed, passage shall be furnished gratuitously by the owner of the land on which the passage was previously exercised, even if it is not the shortest route to the public road, and even if the act of alienation or partition does not mention a servitude of passage.Art. 695. Relocation of servitude.The owner of the enclosed estate has no right to the relocation of this servitude after it is fixed. The owner of the servient estate has the right to demand relocation of the servitude to a more convenient place at his own expense, provided that it affords the same facility to the owner of the enclosed estate.***In addition to the Civil Code’s approach to enclosed estates being interesting and somewhat practical, I mentioned them for a couple of other reasons as well.One, notice that the logic seems to presuppose a state, in that enclosed estates have to have access to public roads. “The owner of an estate that has no access to a public road may claim a right of passage over neighboring property to the nearest public road.”I am not sure if this is necessary to this kind of reasoning–after all there isno right of passage to any other spot on earth in general–only to some public road. I guess the assumption is once you get to the road, you can go anywhere. If there are no “public” roads, would the free market right be easements (servitudes) to some private road… or would it be across as many tracts as needed to get to some other destination at which one has an invitation (or which is unowned)?Another thing to note here: notice the practical nature of the civil law’s approach to enclosed estates: First, Art. 689 says “The owner of an estate that has no access to a public road may claim a right of passage over neighboring property to the nearest public road.”But, “He is bound to indemnify his neighbor for the damage he may occasion.” Now, this seems only fair–but it reeks of the necessity exception in tort law; it seems to imply that you have no *right* to cross the other’s land–otherwise, why do you have to pay for it? In this, it seems akin to eminent domain–where the state takes property–but has to pay for it. It’s schizophrenic.Anyway, what is interesting is that Art. 693 says that “If an estate becomes enclosed as a result of a voluntary act or omission of its owner, the neighbors are not bound to furnish a passage to him or his successors.” In other words, even the (semi-statist) civil law does NOT grant any absolute escape- or access-easement–if it’s not someone else who “surrounds” you but rather you who surround yourself, you are out of luck.What this means is that merely having someone “trapped” does not mean you owe them an easement (servitude) unless you did it.Now notice, Roderick, how you argued: you said: “I’ve long argued that one property owner cannot legitimately buy up all the land around another’s property and thereby either keep the latter prisoner (if she was on the property at the time) or bar the latter from her own home (if she was away) – since one cannot legitimately use one’s own property to interfere with the liberty and property of others.”Here you imply that the surrounding owner is keeping the enclosed owner “prisoner,” if he does not allow access, by virtue of his having *actively enclosed* the interior owner. In this, your logic mirrors that of the civil code when it makes it clear that an enclosed estate “that has no access to a public road may claim a right of passage over neighboring property to the nearest public road”–that is, UNLESS the “estate becomes enclosed as a result of a voluntary act or omission of its owner,” in which case “the neighbors are not bound to furnish a passage to him or his successors.”So the effect of the Civil Code here is that if you enclose someone, you have to give them a way out. But not if they enclose themselves. So the easement is granted by the exterior owner by virtue of his having taken affirmative steps to enclose someone–not by virtue of their being in the interior.What this means is that if you enclose yourself–say, you are surrounded by a horseshoe shaped plot and you sell off a tract that sort of closes the circle, without negotiating an easement with the buyer of that part, then you have no easement against him, OR against the horseshoe-shaped piece. You may be imprisoned but you still get no easement. You only get the easement if someone else enclosed you–and they imprison you only when they deny you the easement.This is important because although you used similar narrow reasoning, you later on seemed to switch to the broader case: “Well, then, let A be a circular plot of land owned and resided within by you; let B be a doughnut-shaped plot of land owned by me and completely surrounding plot A; and let C be the rest of the planet, ex hypothesi unowned. I have no right to imprison you within A by denying you an easement across B allowing you to travel between A and C.”In this statement you do not assume that A’s owner enclosed B; only that B happens to be enclosed. If B became “enclosed as a result of a voluntary act or omission of its owner,” then he should have no easement. Yet your reasoning above, in omitting the “enclosing” history of how A came to enclose B, assumes now that merely being-enclosed is sufficient.My point here is that even if you grant that enclosing someone means you have to grant them an easement to exit (and re-enter? is losing property as bad as being-imprisoned?), this can be a narrow solution that does not entail any kind of *general* easement that you (and Walter) seem to want to argue for.One final comment here, and back to the issue of whether encosing an unowned tract means others have an easement to access it. In Walter’s piece he assumes that if you homestead a donut shaped tract, you do not homestead the interior. He says: “Suppose that a person does not homestead a stretch of land but instead places a fence around it In this scenario we stipulate that he “mixes his labor” only with that narrow strip of land upon which the fence rests, but to a sufficient degree in order to come to own it What he has done, then, is to take possession of a narrow perimeter of land, surrounding property which he does not own, nor claim. In other words, he homesteads a very thin donut shaped parcel of land, which encircles property he neither owns nor claims”Now note that Walter here emphasizes that the homesteader does not claim the interior. I think this is important, because fencing in property is in fact one way of homesteading it. If I put a circular fence down then usually I want to own not only the donut-shaped piece of land under the fence, but the land on the interior of the fence too. So in Walter’s hypo, presumably the donut-homesteader does not own the interior simply because he chooses not to–because he somehow communicates that he makes no claim to it; he countermands the general assumption that would otherwise prevail. To me, this means that (at least arguably) all he has to do to own the interior is to claim it–he’s already embordered it with his homesteading/marking/fencing of the circular perimeter.There are two curious things about this. First, Walter views this as virtually a crime. That is, if one could have homesteaded the middle by just making a claim (in addition to the embordering activity) then this would be preferable to not claiming it. This is compatible with his idea that libertarianism “abhors” unowned property. (This, it seems to me, could also be twisted into some kind of moral duty of people to be busy little homesteaders; if you stake a claim to a 1 acre trace in the wilderness, when you could have grabbed two, you have committed some kind of inchoate crime against libertarianism; it’s sort of a reverse Lockean-proviso: Locke wants you to leave enough and as good; Walter wants you to take it all, leave nothing–and if you do leave anything, leave access to others. It’s like it’s some big pac-man game, where the object is to gobble up all the unowned-dots.) But it does seem odd that the man’s only “crime” is failing-to-claim. I mean what if he had claimed it, and then just left it pristine?And this leads to the other curious thing: suppose you homestead a circle, but somehow fail to “claim” the interior. Now, some posse liberatus comes to demand that you let them mark an easement across it. Why can’t you just look at them and say, “Okay, I hereby claim the middle. Now, shoo.”??

Scott Kjar September 12, 2007 at 10:37 am

I recall Block arguing, in the case of murder and restitution, that if it were possible to invent a machine that sucks the life out of a murderer and gives it to the murder victim, then surely we would accept that this is restitution.

So let’s engage in a similar construction. Suppose that someone invest Star Trek-style technology that allows us to “beam” onto the isolated land. In such case, it would be incorrect to argue that one must traverse the surrounding land. Hence, if such technology existed, no Blockean easement would be necessary.

Surely, the state of technology does not affect the state of our rights. If such a right (the easement) does not exist in the presence of such advanced technology, then that right does not exist now, in the absence of such technology.

Beam me up.

Jordan September 12, 2007 at 11:19 am

On just a cursory reading of the blog post, I’d have to side with Stephan on this one.

One thing to keep in mind, though–a market would minimize these situations to begin with. If someone wanted access to the doughnut center, either they can put up the money to secure access from the doughnut-owner to the center, or it’s not worth it, or, even if it is, the doughnut-owner homesteads it himself and keeps or sells it with access.

Also, the proliferation of roads, charities, and entrepreneurial vision would tend to minimize, if not eliminate, people without land or places they are welcome, or people trapped from traveling from A to B (or C).

Stephan Kinsella September 12, 2007 at 11:24 am

Scott: “Suppose that someone invest Star Trek-style technology that allows us to “beam” onto the isolated land. In such case, it would be incorrect to argue that one must traverse the surrounding land. Hence, if such technology existed, no Blockean easement would be necessary. … Surely, the state of technology does not affect the state of our rights. If such a right (the easement) does not exist in the presence of such advanced technology, then that right does not exist now, in the absence of such technology.”

I agree with you; There is always some extra cost to finding another way into the property. I cannot conceive of how a circular strip of land can prevent access to the land–why can’t you fly a helicopter into it. However, in fn. 8 of his piece, Walter says: “We are assuming away the possibility of tunneling under, or building a bridge over, this donut shaped parcel of land in order to have access to it for homesteading purposes.”

I really cannot imagine how we can just “assume” no one can access it some other way, but that’s Walter’s hypo. Maybe the hypo itself is problematic, but I guess you could think of other cases: some rich billionaire builds a 10,000-mile-wide titanium sphere and surrounds the moon with it, to keep others from homesteading it. Or something….?

ted September 12, 2007 at 1:01 pm

i fail to see any possible justification for impinging upon legitimately homesteaded property, simply because of what happens to be next door. whether the owner of the donut can own the inside plot by merely staking a claim is an interesting question, though it doesnt seem to influence the assertion that we have a right to appropriate all unowned land, which is surely false. just as a cannot kill you on my way to mix my labour with some virgin soil, neither can i trespass on your property, right?

“under the donut configuration assumption, even though the owner has duly homesteaded every square inch of his holdings, he still cannot claim full ownership to it in its entirety, for him to be able to do so would imply that the land lying inside (or outside!) of this area can forever remain unowned.” (Block, 2004, p278)
what precisely is wrong with this implication?

Scott D September 12, 2007 at 1:22 pm

When I come across scenarios like this, I’m inclined to say: I’ll take my chances.

There’s the one where a single very wealthy person manages to buy up all the land in the world. How this could ever happen turns logic so far on its head that it’s ludicrous. The land baron could not buy all the land at once, and would have to transact with hundreds of millions of people. The more land the owner bought, the more expensive it would become as other landowners realized the demand and bid up their selling prices accordingly. The likelihood of millions of people ignoring these market signals is vanishingly small–probably on the level of all men on Earth spontaneously deciding to get sex changes at once. Yet, I’ve seen this example used as a critique of property rights.

What excercises such as this one strive to show is how property rights should handle irrationality (such as the landowner who perversely wants to keep land unowned–even by himself!). I think that it is completely justified to assume away the extremely irrational, where property rights cease to function as you want them to. I tend to agree that the point is moot anyway, and that the encircler owns the land by definition.

Anthony September 12, 2007 at 1:30 pm

“There’s the one where a single very wealthy person manages to buy up all the land in the world. How this could ever happen turns logic so far on its head that it’s ludicrous.”

This one comes up a lot. It is a reductio ad absurdum, although it shows to what absurd arguments one must go to to try and refute property rights (the Lockean proviso, if adhered to, would refute it offhand.) And funnily enough, it tends to be voiced by individuals who think verbally claiming property is a more valid method than homesteading it!

Jean Paul September 12, 2007 at 4:12 pm

Subjectivity in justice must be reduced to zero. The question of “how much is too much” is too subjective to allow in consideration of just versus unjust homesteading. The lingering effects of centuries of socialist brain damage can be felt when even the staunchest libertarians feel there ‘must be limits’ for the sake of limits.

If X is unowned, then it doesn’t matter the size; if you can establish a claim then it’s yours.

If a billion people can homestead one acre each, then freely give those acres to one man with a verbal declaration, then that one man justly owns a billion acres. No one will deny this. No one will apply standards of use or technology units or anything else to the one man’s billion acres.

So why must those standards apply should he attempt to homestead the billion himself?

The fence you build on unowned property may not be crossed, period. If you build a 2D fence around a 2D property, the fence may not be crossed, period, and the unowned interior is de-facto yours. Size is not an issue. Ditto the 3D case.

The fence you build on or surrounding previously-owned property (established trails, trade routes, flight lanes, easements, etc.) is a trespass, and may be breached by whatever means.

The bigger your fence, the more likely there is an infringement… but any fence you manage to build without infringing is a valid embordering of all that falls within. Questions of size or character a-la lockean proviso (ditto blockean) cannot invalidate your claim.

Gil Guillory September 12, 2007 at 4:18 pm

I want to take a moment to congratulate all of the participants to this blogpost and comments. This discussion is rich and wonderful — the sort of thing to which a blog like this aspires. The quality of these postings is as good as one would expect in a print journal that had a dedicated issue to the subject. Well done!

And of course, thanks go to the staff and supporters of the Mises Institute who make all this possible.

Jean Paul September 12, 2007 at 4:48 pm

“When I come across scenarios like this, I’m inclined to say: I’ll take my chances.”

AGREED!

You can look out your door today and see a thousand kinds of insanity in action. It’s a stellar endorsement of Liberty that only these most insanely ridiculous edge cases can be invoked in criticism.

On the other hand, consider the possible edge cases under the state. They are far more numerous, and each is more offensive than the last. Yet the socialists ignore it all and worry about the incredible man who somehow manages to buy the universe.

Franklin Harris September 12, 2007 at 9:08 pm

For me, a more problematic (if far out) issue regards resources that seem to me virtually impossible to homestead. Take the air above us, for example. This is why air pollution is such a thorny issue, i.e., because no one owns any part of the air, which, worse still, is always moving and carrying pollution from one place to the next.

Now, setting aside that classic argument, I’ll take up my “Spaceballs” scenario. This is named for the Mel Brooks movie in which the bad guys attempt to steal all of another planet’s air. Say I have a spaceship that is capable of sucking up all of the Earth’s atmosphere. Now, if the atmosphere is unowned (how does one homestead it apart from containing it in some way?), how can the people of Earth object (in libertarian terms) to my claiming ownership by containing all of the air inside my ship? Never mind the Blockean proviso, this seems to be the sort of instance that begs for Nozick’s Lockean proviso. Everyone on Earth is far better off with the air remaining an unowned commons than with my homesteading it all.

Anthony September 12, 2007 at 9:53 pm

Libertarians have dealt with this already, I believe, via the notion of easement rights to breathable air?

Franklin Harris September 12, 2007 at 11:04 pm

Easement rights to breathable air would seem to assume some sort of homesteading already exists, which is the point of contention, but I’m interested in any discussions of this anyone can link to.

RWW September 13, 2007 at 8:41 am

I’d say Stephan and others have undone this weird “proviso” pretty thoroughly.

Paul Edwards September 13, 2007 at 12:26 pm

Cool discussion. Now i’d like to mention that the BLockean proviso is used by Dr. Block to justify the notion of a positive parental obligation to notify the public that they are abandoning their child, should they decide to no longer care for it, and that they are obligated to not forestall -that is, they must provide access to the child, which is now the unowned “property” in the middle of the bagel of owned property. To fail to notify and provide access and to allow the child to die, according to Dr. Block would constitute murder.

My question was, From where does this obligation to officially abandon and publicly notify of this abandonment arise. It is my opinion that there absolutely is such an obligation, but rather than arising from some theory of forestalling, it arises from the act of procreation and the resultant placing of a person in need of someone’s help, for its survival.

The forestalling theory allows a parent to evict a fetus from the womb causing its death, while yet still disallowing a parent from letting their child starve to death even if there might be someone willing to take over the caring for the child.

It is my contention that if forestalling fails, then it is back to the drawing board for those who wish to deem abortion consistent with austrian law, and yet wish to deem allowing one’s child to die of starvation a serious crime according to austrian law.

What does the list have to say about them apples?

Jean Paul September 13, 2007 at 1:19 pm

Maybe the act of procreation establishes an obligation toward the new life. If so, I’ve not seen it defended on objective grounds – merely on the basis of cultural intuition.

Personally, I don’t trust my cultural intuition for justifying aggression. My cultural intuition serves me in my private, subjective valuations, and in running my own life within its boundaries.

That said, my cultural intuition would never have me abandoning a child to starve. I recognize this as a subjective preference of mine. Those others who share a similar preference will no doubt act in the interests of the child, and presumably no one would see any problem with that. I think it would be incredibly uncommon for the human animal, absent all the perverting socialist pressures, to behave so callously toward its offspring in the general case.

But since subjective values rest on so high an altar, let me pose this one: do you really want these callous, hateful people breeding anyway?

Finally: is the widespread abuse and neglect of children another of these extremely far-fetched edge cases, which demand that objective justice be sacrificed to appease the loudest, angriest, most paranoid subjective desires?

Scott D September 13, 2007 at 2:19 pm

Paul Edwards:

“The forestalling theory allows a parent to evict a fetus from the womb causing its death, while yet still disallowing a parent from letting their child starve to death even if there might be someone willing to take over the caring for the child.”

Block went into some detail on this in one of his lectures, “Radical Libertarianism” or somesuch. You have made an assumption in the above passage that Block disagrees with: “evict a fetus from the womb causing its death“. If a fetus is aborted at eight months, it is perfectly capable of living outside the womb with the same support that a full-term baby requires. If someone wishes to adopt that child, Block says that it is the parent’s duty to allow that person to claim the child rather than let it die.

On the other hand, a fetus aborted at one month cannot live, even with medical support, so parenting rights are irrelevant. However, Block offers the hope that technology may someday allow a fetus at any age of development to survive, eliminating the death of aborted children as long as there are parents who wish to adopt them. This would eliminate the presumption that abortion leads to the death of the fetus.

I’m not finished thinking it through, but I wanted to make sure that Block’s thoughts on this were presented in their entirety.

Jonathan Bostwick September 13, 2007 at 6:43 pm

Stephan Kinsella:

“I mean what if he had claimed it, and then just left it pristine?”

Exactly!

If property is nature mixed with labor how do you homestead a nature preserve? Building a (physical) fence might diminish the land’s use as a nature preserve. The only condition necessary to homestead must be denying easement.

Paul Edwards September 13, 2007 at 7:20 pm

Scott,

“Block went into some detail on this in one of his lectures, “Radical Libertarianism” or somesuch. You have made an assumption in the above passage that Block disagrees with: “evict a fetus from the womb causing its death”. If a fetus is aborted at eight months, it is perfectly capable of living outside the womb with the same support that a full-term baby requires. If someone wishes to adopt that child, Block says that it is the parent’s duty to allow that person to claim the child rather than let it die.”

If I follow you, what you are saying is that evicting the fetus at 2 months, doesn’t cause its death, but rather it must die on its own because it can’t survive on its own. It’s just nature at work. But my argument is that this is essentially the same as recognizing that not feeding a 1 month old baby also does not – in a similar sense – cause the baby’s death. Again it must die naturally because it can’t feed itself. So these situations are parallel in the extreme. So the question is this: If you have no obligation to do what you can to keep the fetus alive – by keeping it in the womb – from where does the obligation arise to keep the born child alive, to notify, and to allow someone else to care for this child? Both will die of natural causes once removed from the womb, or not fed. The source of the obligation to notify of abandonment is what I am looking for.

Jean Paul September 13, 2007 at 7:28 pm

The only reasonable source of obligation is ‘the act of procreation creates the obligation’.

This seems like a reasonable avenue to explore, but it’s by no means conclusive. It smells to me like wishful thinking on the part of people appalled at the idea of parents neglecting their offspring, who thus wish to use violence to compel the parents to care for the offspring that they themselves wish to see cared for, but that they themselves refuse to care for, rather than an objective truth.

Jean Paul September 13, 2007 at 7:29 pm

The above is awkwardly worded, and I apologize.
:(

Paul Edwards September 13, 2007 at 7:29 pm

Jean Paul,

“But since subjective values rest on so high an altar, let me pose this one: do you really want these callous, hateful people breeding anyway?”

What I personally want is justice. So I always like to ask, What position can be justified? Is there aggression, by who against who. If you can justify your action, I’m ok with it, if not, I’m agin’ it. In this case I find the baby innocent, and the parents who intentionally allow their child to starve as guilty of murder. The manner in which I arrive at this justification leads me to conclude and I think should force Dr. Block to conclude that even early term abortions cannot be justified.

“Finally: is the widespread abuse and neglect of children another of these extremely far-fetched edge cases, which demand that objective justice be sacrificed to appease the loudest, angriest, most paranoid subjective desires?”

Well, if we think we can justify claiming it to be murder to allow your baby to die of starvation, we better think hard of how we justify that it is not murder to eliminate a fetus from its mother’s womb. I think Dr. Block tries hard, but so far as I can see, he fails to do the latter.

Jean Paul September 13, 2007 at 7:38 pm

“…and the parents who intentionally allow their child to starve as guilty of murder.”

This is the contentious point I think. I’m not convinced.

PERSONALLY, I would certainly feel as if I’d committed an affront against nature if it was within my power to prevent a child of mine to starve, yet did nothing… but that’s my personal decision.

I wouldn’t know where to begin in demanding some other person provide the level of care that I demand from myself… and so I cannot endorse the use of force to compel that other person.

I guess I can’t really see the difference between the person who contracts some venereal disease through a sex act either. Having become the host of a venereal disease, as an unintended consequence of your willful sex act, are you now obligated to continue to provide safe haven for the disease, out of sheer obligation to preserve life in all its forms? Is it ‘murder’ to take antibiotics and wipe the critters out of your system?

I value human life, but I can’t see an objective difference between the SIGNIFICANCE of human life and the SIGNIFICANCE of other life. I mean there is an obvious difference in the character of those two life forms, but why is one to be objectively valued versus the other?

Paul Edwards September 13, 2007 at 7:41 pm

Jean Paul,

“The only reasonable source of obligation is ‘the act of procreation creates the obligation’.

“This seems like a reasonable avenue to explore, but it’s by no means conclusive. It smells to me like wishful thinking on the part of people appalled at the idea of parents neglecting their offspring, who thus wish to use violence to compel the parents to care for the offspring that they themselves wish to see cared for, but that they themselves refuse to care for, rather than an objective truth.”

Most people’s intuition suggests that intentionally allowing one’s baby to suffer, or suffer and die, is more than just immoral, it is criminal. I think people have to think of how their ethic cares for those who are weakest and least able to defend themselves. If we go with our intuition, we must work on a justification for our conclusions in the area of political philosophy. If we succeed in a justification, then we should be content. But further, we cannot then intentionally close our eyes to other implications of our justification. That would not be in keeping with justice. This is the basis of my line of attack.

Incidentally, I write this as a person who has in the past enthusiastically defended the Rothbard/Block position on abortion, until reading some of Stephan Kinsella’s work on the possible implications of the act of procreation to the parents.

Jean Paul September 13, 2007 at 7:51 pm

Ok, so you argue from the standpoint of consistency. If you demand from yourself a standard of care, then to be consistent you must demand that standard from others.

I think there is a question of reference point here, and there is a question of subjective values versus objective truths (values can only be subjective; truths can only be objective).

If I cannot defend my actions as rooted in objective truth, for example my preference for drinking dr. pepper versus milk, then I cannot demand others to abide by the rule. I don’t feel this is a contradiction, or an erosion of justice.

But if I hold it as an objective truth that aggression is wrong (and this may also just be a subjective value, I don’t think so but I don’t know) then I DO require all to abide by it.

So I guess my stance on abortion, or the positive OBLIGATION to care for one’s offspring, is that these are subjective values. I drink Dr. Pepper and care for my offspring because those are my values. I want others to respect my values and so I respect theirs. And if they choose to drink milk while their child starves, then who am I to compel them otherwise? They have not AGGRESSED agianst their child, and so their actions are consistent with my formulation of justice. And so I consider them scum, as is my right, and indeed I may punish them by my own non-aggressive means, but certainly I will never invoke aggression against them.

Paul Edwards September 13, 2007 at 7:56 pm

Jean Paul,

Me: “…and the parents who intentionally allow their child to starve as guilty of murder.”

“This is the contentious point I think. I’m not convinced.

PERSONALLY, I would certainly feel as if I’d committed an affront against nature if it was within my power to prevent a child of mine to starve, yet did nothing… but that’s my personal decision.”

But this is not Dr. Block’s position. You would not consider it a crime that a parent had intentionally allowed his child to suffer grave physical and emotional agony perhaps over extended periods of time, only to allow the child to finally die. Block and others see it quite differently. Those who see it our way, must also derive a libertarian justification for this position. I think it can be done, but I doubt it can be done via the theory of forestalling.

“I wouldn’t know where to begin in demanding some other person provide the level of care that I demand from myself… and so I cannot endorse the use of force to compel that other person.”

That isn’t quite the issue. The issue is regarding intentional infliction of pain and suffering and death by the abstention of fulfilling certain positive obligations to one’s child.

“I guess I can’t really see the difference between the person who contracts some venereal disease through a sex act either. Having become the host of a venereal disease, as an unintended consequence of your willful sex act, are you now obligated to continue to provide safe haven for the disease, out of sheer obligation to preserve life in all its forms? Is it ‘murder’ to take antibiotics and wipe the critters out of your system?”

You’re just playing with me on this one right?

“I value human life, but I can’t see an objective difference between the SIGNIFICANCE of human life and the SIGNIFICANCE of other life. I mean there is an obvious difference in the character of those two life forms, but why is one to be objectively valued versus the other?”

I’m not following you at all. Do you think plant life and viruses should be accorded equal treatment under the law as humans?

Jean Paul September 13, 2007 at 7:58 pm

“Well, if we think we can justify claiming it to be murder to allow your baby to die of starvation… how [do] we justify that it is not murder to eliminate a fetus from its mother’s womb[?]”

The logic is perfectly sound. Either they are both murder, or neither is. I Agree absolutely that these are the two possible outlooks.

Between these choices, I choose the stance that neither act is murder, for the reasons stated in prior comments. Revolting to me, depending on the circumstances, but not murder.

Jean Paul September 13, 2007 at 8:08 pm

“You’re just playing with me on this one right?”

Not playing at all. I strive to separate the subjective and the objective, which is always challenging, but especially so in these cases.

Thought experiments about viruses, plants, pets, aliens, etc., put the consistency of my views to the test. And when it comes down to it, what objective measure do you apply to DNA sequence X versus DNA sequence Y in ascertaining the value of the life that it provides a blueprint for?

I can justify eradication of a virus or other disease as a response to its aggression against me. But if that’s an OK stance, then the aggression of an unwanted fetus in parasiting itself upon a womans body is equally punishable.

You knew that your sex act could result in an organism appearing and feeding off the body; does knowledge of that possibility obligate you to care for the resultant organism or population of organisms?

I’m dead serious, I don’t know the answer, but I think we need a good answer before we start using aggression against people on this basis.

Paul Edwards September 13, 2007 at 10:05 pm

Jean Paul,

I think that you are asking important questions that are fundamental and do require an answer. Rather than me answering, I’ll just suggest some good sources of answers: For an advanced and highly rigorous justification of the libertarian ethic, I recommend any one of Hans Hoppe’s many explications of his “Argumentation Ethics” thesis, which in my opinion, gives the definitive answer to these questions.

http://www.hanshoppe.com/sel-topics.php

It’s controversial, but in my opinion unassailable. Well worth getting familiar with it.

Anthony September 13, 2007 at 10:15 pm

Franklin, re easements regarding air, I will have to see if I can find which libertarian publications deal with it. In the meantime, hopefully someone else will come up with something. I’ve heard the position outlined quite a few times, so I am sure it must be dealt with somewhere.

Scott D September 14, 2007 at 9:34 am

Paul Edwards

“If I follow you, what you are saying is that evicting the fetus at 2 months, doesn’t cause its death, but rather it must die on its own because it can’t survive on its own. It’s just nature at work. But my argument is that this is essentially the same as recognizing that not feeding a 1 month old baby also does not – in a similar sense – cause the baby’s death. Again it must die naturally because it can’t feed itself.”

There is a difference. An abandoned one-month-old baby can be fed by anyone with the resources to do so. An abandoned two-month-old fetus cannot survive without the mother’s support, no matter who should claim it. Block goes on to say that if there were no one willing to care for a child, then death would be the result, and that this is the only reasonable outcome, though this is probably unlikely on a per case basis.

Again, I’m not sure yet if I agree with the reasoning in full, but Block’s argument is a sincere attempt at solving the abortion/child abandonment dilemma. It does deserve further consideration (by myself included). Maybe there is a better solution to be gleaned from it.

Paul Edwards September 14, 2007 at 10:02 am

Scott,

“There is a difference. An abandoned one-month-old baby can be fed by anyone with the resources to do so. An abandoned two-month-old fetus cannot survive without the mother’s support, no matter who should claim it. Block goes on to say that if there were no one willing to care for a child, then death would be the result, and that this is the only reasonable outcome, though this is probably unlikely on a per case basis.”

I agree there is a physical difference, but the question remains, if there is no obligation to keep the fetus alive, by not expelling it from the womb, from where comes the obligation to hand a born baby over to someone to keep the born baby alive. As far as I can see, both imply a positive obligation on the part of the parent on behalf of an individual who as far as I can see, from the Blockean perspective, has no right to such treatment, being as it was before birth, and remains after birth, an uninvited parasite.

“Again, I’m not sure yet if I agree with the reasoning in full, but Block’s argument is a sincere attempt at solving the abortion/child abandonment dilemma. It does deserve further consideration (by myself included). Maybe there is a better solution to be gleaned from it.”

I agree with all of this. However, I don’t think I have missed a key point of Block’s argument, but rather, I think the argument itself is missing a key element: a real justification for a positive obligation of parents to notify others of intent to not care for their child. And again, I believe such a justification exists, just not the one Dr. Block hopes for.

Robert M. September 14, 2007 at 10:20 am

Jean Paul “I guess I can’t really see the difference between the person who contracts some venereal disease through a sex act either. Having become the host of a venereal disease, as an unintended consequence of your willful sex act, are you now obligated to continue to provide safe haven for the disease, out of sheer obligation to preserve life in all its forms? Is it ‘murder’ to take antibiotics and wipe the critters out of your system?”

The difference is that the virus forced it’s way from one person to another, while the fetus was created there, and therefore forced to be there. In this sense, abortion is the equivalent of building walls around a person and then (lets face it, the fetus isn’t neatly removed early on) scrambling their brains for being there. A virus is like a person kicking in your door and trying to kill you. There is quite a difference.

Taking objectivism to such an extreme is a dangerous thing. In a world where ALL life was considered equal, we’d all starve due to the fact that almost everything we eat was once alive.

Jean Paul September 14, 2007 at 2:46 pm

“Taking objectivism to such an extreme is a dangerous thing.”

I don’t think so. Truths are objective and values subjective, by definition. You can’t take objectivity to an extreme; you can either get it right, or you can get it wrong because it’s hard to get right, or you can get it wrong because you choose to let subjective values pollute your reasoning.

Of course life feeds on life. But that’s not an excuse to do whatever we want – such as BBQing up your neighbor for dinner. Being objective doesn’t mean putting ALL life on the same pedestal. It does mean finding objective criteria to decide whether or not it’s ok to eat carrots, veal, or politicians for dinner.

I will say that species-ism is every bit as misguided as nationalism, racism, and all other forms of bigotry.

As for whether a particular virus or bacteria FORCED its way in, consuming the resources it found to breed new individuals of the organism – versus the fertile male gamete – which did the same but presumably was welcomed with open arms, even if the sex partners insist otherwise? – I suspect this is NOT an objective distinction, but one rooted in a desire to put human DNA on its own super-pedestal.

Jean Paul September 14, 2007 at 3:01 pm

How about this. I will say that vaccuming out a fetus (which causes it to disintegrate into chunks) is clearly an aggressive act.

Whereas carefully removing the fetus with delicate surgery, and placing it in a chemical bath identical to the womb environment, where it is free to consume the resources it finds according to its means, is not aggressive, and is perhaps a ‘humane’ way to let the creature live or die on its own terms. To be on the safe side, I am sure the mother who chooses abortion would choose this method, to be absolutely certain the death of an organism that some hold to be sacred was not caused by her, but was merely an act of nature.

This does sound cold, cruel, and harsh – agreed – but keep in mind, those are your/my subjective values talking, and not the universal voice of objectivity. Objectivity does not know cold, cruel, or harsh. Such words are the language of subjective value. Subjective value is free to reign over your life and property – but cannot be used to justify violence / coercion against others.

Scott D September 14, 2007 at 3:37 pm

Paul Edwards,

Fair enough. I too feel compelled to find a rational way to avoid the possibility of death through willful neglect. On the one hand, I feel that it is wrong to compel one person to provide for another, on any level. Such reasoning lies at the heart of wealth redistribution.

On the other hand, children present us with many complications. If a father of a teenager tells his son, “I’m done with you. Go take care of yourself,” I think we can all agree that, so long as only proportional force is used to remove the boy, the father is within his rights to make and enforce that proclamation in a libertarian society. For those worried about his fate, he’ll likely just go get a job.

Reduce the child’s age to six in the same situation, and we instantly feel greater moral outrage towards the father, but I still can’t see any justification for forcing the father to continue to take care of the child. We can only hope that the child will make his way out of the house and that someone will choose to take over his guardianship. I don’t like it, but I can accept that the child at least has the physical and mental capacity to find help.

Put the child at six months and the problem becomes more severe yet. Does the father say this to the infant and then leave it to die? Intuitively, I know that there is something very wrong with this scenario, but how can it be resolved without placing some kind of legal obligation on the father? Is the obligation a special case of parents and children (admittedly unique among human relationships)?

I’m just not ready to answer those questions yet. I feel like there are a few pieces still missing.

Jean Paul September 14, 2007 at 4:43 pm

“Intuitively, I know that there is something very wrong with this scenario, but how can it be resolved without placing some kind of legal obligation on the father?”

It can’t be. Either the father is positively obligated or he isn’t.

Speaking in terms of the hypothetical ‘you’ (not referring to Scott D or anyone else specifically):

If you can establish a source of obligation – a signed contract is one possible example, but not the only example nor the best example – then you can forcibly coerce the father to meet his obligation.

But if you cannot establish an obligation, then you MUST refrain from coercive force to satisfy your intuitive desire that the child be cared for by his father. You are allowed to adopt the child; and if the child means so much to you when clearly the father does not care at all, then exercise your freedom while refraining from violating the father’s, and adopt the child yourself.

If you are unwilling or unable to adopt him yourself, whatever your list of excuses why not, the are as valid as the father’s. Violence remains NOT an option.

Jean Paul September 14, 2007 at 4:54 pm

Honestly, what makes you more warm and fuzzy inside:

“I love my parents, because they cared for me, because if they hadn’t, society would have threatened them with pain of death. My parents must really love me, and that’s why I love them so much.”

OR

“I love my parents, because at any time, they could have left me for dead to fend for myself, like a beached whale, or a bird with a broken wing. The life they provided for me is measured against a baseline of being left for dead in an alleyway. Every sacrifice they made was to put my life first, an end unto itself. My parents truly love me, and I love them.”

When you start talking about FORCING people to be good parents, the point has been so far missed, it may as well not even exist.

Scott D September 14, 2007 at 6:17 pm

Jean Paul,

I see that I did not explain the situation in enough detail. I completely oppose coercing the father to care for the child against his will. Instead, think of the case where the father is completely at liberty to give or sell his parenting rights, but he refuses to allow that and prefers to watch the child (who is too young to seek help alone) die instead.

Block says that this is wrong because the father did not advertise his abandonment of his parenting rights. Again, I feel that this is “almost” right, but that there is some element still missing.

Anthony September 14, 2007 at 6:31 pm

Robert, when Objectivism is spoken of, is it in reference to Rand’s system or the common definition of the word?

Anyway, JP, specieism is not in and of itself pernicious, if one can find a morally relevant discriminating factor that separates moral agents from all else.

Paul Edwards September 15, 2007 at 12:32 am

Scott,

“Fair enough. I too feel compelled to find a rational way to avoid the possibility of death through willful neglect.”

I think some compulsions are a virtue. This one in this context is one of them, in my opinion.

“On the one hand, I feel that it is wrong to compel one person to provide for another, on any level. Such reasoning lies at the heart of wealth redistribution.”

It gets easier when you realize that sometimes obligations to provide for another person can be voluntarily taken on or they can be incurred via some property violation.

“On the other hand, children present us with many complications. If a father of a teenager tells his son, “I’m done with you. Go take care of yourself,” I think we can all agree that, so long as only proportional force is used to remove the boy, the father is within his rights to make and enforce that proclamation in a libertarian society. For those worried about his fate, he’ll likely just go get a job.”

I really advocate Stephan’s “How We Come to Own Ourselves”. I think you’d find it interesting and worth-while. I should give it another read myself.

It’s here:

http://mises.org/daily/2291

“Reduce the child’s age to six in the same situation, and we instantly feel greater moral outrage towards the father, but I still can’t see any justification for forcing the father to continue to take care of the child. We can only hope that the child will make his way out of the house and that someone will choose to take over his guardianship. I don’t like it, but I can accept that the child at least has the physical and mental capacity to find help.

“Put the child at six months and the problem becomes more severe yet. Does the father say this to the infant and then leave it to die? Intuitively, I know that there is something very wrong with this scenario, but how can it be resolved without placing some kind of legal obligation on the father? Is the obligation a special case of parents and children (admittedly unique among human relationships)?”

———–
This is what Kinsella has to say on this:

“The idea here is that libertarianism does not oppose “positive rights”; it simply insists that they be voluntarily incurred. One way to do this is by contract; another is by trespassing against someone’s property. Now, if you pass by a drowning man in a lake you have no enforceable (legal) obligation to try to rescue him; but if you push someone in a lake you have a positive obligation to try to rescue him. If you don’t you could be liable for homicide. Likewise, if your voluntary actions bring into being an infant with natural needs for shelter, food, care, it is akin to throwing someone into a lake. In both cases you create a situation where another human is in dire need of help and without which he will die. By creating this situation of need you incur an obligation to provide for those needs. And surely this set of positive obligations would encompass the obligation to manumit the child at a certain point.”

———-

Paul Edwards September 15, 2007 at 12:45 am

JP,

“When you start talking about FORCING people to be good parents, the point has been so far missed, it may as well not even exist.”

I don’t think we are talking about being good parents. We are talking about fulfilling an ethical obligation to prevent an innocent defenseless human being who cannot take care of itself, from being allowed to suffer inhumanely and to die unnecessarily via neglect and starvation. This may entail finding someone who is willing to care for the child, or doing the job one’s self. Regulating the quality of the parenting job itself beyond that, does rather seem to be beyond the scope of the libertarian ethic.

Jean Paul September 15, 2007 at 11:16 am

To Scott D: hmm. NOW I see the problem. The inviolability of the father’s ‘property rights’ has become an invisible fortress – and cage – of ‘moral’ steel. Preventing access to the child is in some ways like imprisoning the child… and to the extent ‘imprisonment’ can be established, this opens the door for forceful intervention to preserve the wellbeing of the child.

I can’t see where the father is legally obligated to ever provide for the child – but perhaps the father can be justly made to stand aside while the ‘prisoner’ is ‘rescued’.

Jean Paul September 15, 2007 at 11:42 am

Let’s try THIS for a strange twist.

Scientists currently researching AI are ‘giving birth’ to an intelligence. At this point the process hasn’t gone far enough to recognize the created creature as anything but a pile of building blocks undergoing a slow evolution. But at some point, we will recognize what has been created is an intelligence.

If we cease research at this time, have we ABORTED, perhaps even MURDERED the nascent AI? Do the scientists have a positive obligation to keep providing for the machines’ power and cooling needs? At what point do the machines cease to be the scientists’ property (suppose they never trade away, nor give away, nor abandon this property), and the self ownership of the born AI take precedence?

At what point does any child (puppy, kitten, foal, etc) cease to be just a piece of meat, an outgrowth of the mother, PROPERTY of the mother – and instead become their own self-owning person?

Anticipating one possible answer, I think “when the umbilical cord is cut” is naive and incorrect… Likewise “when the umbilical cord COULD be cut” is not a satisfying answer.

Jean Paul September 15, 2007 at 12:05 pm

Here’s a mental image I just had.

I picture a blob of thick viscous ooze – primordial soup. The ooze is homogeneous and flowing, unthinking and unacting – its existence is purely inertial.

In the image now, we are observing from within the ooze, somewhere near the ‘surface’ of the blob. We see a fingered hand slowly break the surface from ‘outside’ the blob, slowly penetrating into the ooze. The deeper the fingers sink into the ooze, the more ‘present’ they are within the ooze, and the more their influence is exerted and felt throughout the ooze. Unlike the homogeneous and inertial ooze, the fingers are distinct; they have boundaries; they may collide with each other, may interfere with each other, may even damage each other. They are not inertial but act spontaneously. We give this non-inertial behavior a name; we call it WILL.

This mental picture is meant to be a metaphor for willful consciousness intruding into a deterministic, fatalistic universe of billard-ball particle physics (or wave harmonics or whatever the fabric of reality is). As the ooze – the stuff of reality – forms and flows, it allows the fingers – consciousness – to intrude into it. Consciousness may proceed to different extents before being stuck in the ooze and unable to go farther… so the evolution of a soup of proteins and nutrients into a conscious being is like the gradual intrusion of consciousness from some ‘other place’ where consciousness originates…

Wow. What the heck have I been smoking? I can’t even follow myself!

Nick Danger September 17, 2007 at 7:09 pm

“just as nature abhors a vacuum”

Does Walter know that Pascal proved this false about 300 years ago?

Stephan Kinsella September 20, 2007 at 11:11 am

Some scenarios I gave Walter by email; I have not seen his answers yet.

Walter, I’ve got some scenarios for you, to test your idea.

Scenario 1A: Let’s imagine there is a natural physical impediment to reaching and homesteading some interior resource. Imagine there is a huge, natural hemispherical dome over a huge patch of minerals, for example. Let’s posit that this dome’s existence makes reaching and homesteading the minerals beneath it impossible. Okay? I think you’d see no problem wtih this. Right? I am assuming a very large dome, so that even if it were owned, the owner would not necessarily own the territory beneath it.

Scenario 1B: I assume you could also envisage the same scenario, except that the dome can be penetrated, but at a cost greater than the expected value of the minerals on the inside. Again, no one homestead–but for economic, not impossibility, reasons. With me?

Question 1A: If A comes along and homesteads the impenetrable dome, he has done nothing wrong, right? No one could have homesteaded the interior resources anyway. Right?

Question 1B: If A homesteads the natural, penetrable dome, then does this mean others still have an easement to get to the middle? Even though they won’t use it? I am not sure why they do–A didn’t do anything except *claim* the dome that already existed. He can’t be blamed for not drilling thru it to homestead the interior, as it’s not economic to do so. So what do you say is the situation here re the easement?

Scenario 2: Now. Let’s assume the dome is not natural. Instead, it was built by A, as an artwork. He was not trying to forestall homesteading of the minerals beneath, but he did as a byproduct of his constrution of the dome. Right?

Scenario 2A: Assume the man-made artificial dome is penetrable but at great cost.

Question 2A1: In this case, I think you would say the owner has to grant an easement to anyone who wants one, right? It’s just that no one would use it. Correct? Does he owe anyone damages (like the increased cost of homesteading?)

Question 2A2: What if A abandons the dome. It’s similar then to case 1B above, no? Or is the A now to blame for placing this (now-abandoned) cost-to-homesteading? Does he owe anyone damages? Or is all fine? Your answer to this one interests me greatly.

Scenario 2B: Assume the man-made artificial dome is impenetrable and permanent (or its removal would totally destroy the interior).

Question 2B1: What happens then? It makes no sense to grant an easement, since it can’t be penetrated (by assumption). In this case, I think you’d have to say A has committed a “crime”, but if so, what happens next? An easement can’t be granted, and it can’t be removed. If you build a permanent, impenetrable barrier, is there an easement? (I don’t see how) Does he owe someone damages?

Question 2B2: What if A abandons it. If so, does he escape any liability that might have attached otherwise?

Scenario 3: A builds a huge dome and has it rigged so that the whole thing explodes if it’s penetrated, utterly destroying the minerals beneath it.

Question 3A: I suppose others have an easement, but they can’t use it. Does he owe any damages to anyone?

Question 3B: If A abandons it and leaves in place this huge structure, does he owe anyone damages?

***

Scenario 4: Say I build a donut-shaped centrifuge. It is very very tall. I have to grant easements to anyone who wants to cross it to try to homestead the forest in the center. Fine. But suppose it’s so tall that it would impose all sorts of costs on would-be homesteaders–they have to build a bridge over it (costing millions), or rig an elevator, which is costly and also limits the types of machinery that can easily be lifted over it; it adds delay of days or months or longer to reaching the center–before the homesteading, you could reach it in a day. Now, it takes more money, and months of delay.

I am not sure if you think this is okay or not. I think you are trapped no matter what you say. Here’s why. 4A: If you say he owes damages, then what this means is if you homestead and that imposes costs on others’ homesteading, you have to compensate them. But this would hold true of almost any homesteading–for example, I homestead a horseshoe shaped plot; I leave an opening to the middle, but this forces many people to travel the long way around now, which could cost a lot of money. But if merely making it more costly to homestead generates an obligation to compensate would-be or impeded homesteaders, then this applies not only to the donut-homesteader but to any homesteader; they are ALL “forestallers” in some sense, in the sense that they make it more *costly* to homestead certain unowned resources.

4B: So it seems to me you canNOT make any homesteader–a donut or whatever homestaeder–liable for damages merely because he has made it more difficult for others to homestaed, or even physically impossible. The only thing is you can say he has to let them try to cross, if they want to try (and maybe even pay him damages?).

But Walter, this would imply that all the donut-homesteader has to do, to avoid an involuntary easement, is to make it so costly to outsiders that they don’t WANT to use it. Hell, just line it with dynamite; or make a very very tall fence that is impratical (too costly) to cross (or to pay for repairs for). This seems an odd result of your theory–but there it is. That you are rewarde for making it too costly or too difficult to homestead.

And consider this: I homestead a donut shaped piece of land. The interior has a bunch of valuable virgin land, or minerals. Since I know that if I don’t homestead it, others now have an easement over my land–and I don’t want that–I’ll just nuke the interior, ruining it and making it valueless. If you nuke or destroy unowned land, you are doing nothing wrong–you are not takign anyone else’s property, as it’s unowned. Or maybe the bombing is a type of use, so you are homesteading it. I don’t konw. But the point is, if I did that, I’d again beoff the hook: as no one would even WANT to use any easement to reach the destroyed, valueless resource. So in your theory, which is allegedly based on the idea of promoting the (productive? peaceful?) homesteading of unowned property, you’ve established incentives for the first guy (the donut guy) to RUIN the resource. what a perverse incentive.

So it seems to me that you cannot say that the donut-forestaller dude owes damages; he only has to grant an easement. And you cannot say he does not owe damages, b/c this leads to perverse incentives and bizarre results.

Mark March 2, 2008 at 6:18 pm

Wow, I have just read the entire discussion and it really is something. Good comments all around. While I still haven’t made up my mind on the Blockean proviso, I think the last few posts helped me greatly come to an understanding regarding the abandonment and homesteading of child raising claims.

Paul said:

“This is what Kinsella has to say on this:

“The idea here is that libertarianism does not oppose “positive rights”; it simply insists that they be voluntarily incurred. One way to do this is by contract; another is by trespassing against someone’s property. Now, if you pass by a drowning man in a lake you have no enforceable (legal) obligation to try to rescue him; but if you push someone in a lake you have a positive obligation to try to rescue him. If you don’t you could be liable for homicide. Likewise, if your voluntary actions bring into being an infant with natural needs for shelter, food, care, it is akin to throwing someone into a lake. In both cases you create a situation where another human is in dire need of help and without which he will die. By creating this situation of need you incur an obligation to provide for those needs. And surely this set of positive obligations would encompass the obligation to manumit the child at a certain point.” ”

Doesn’t this solve the case of the father who watches his 3 month old baby starve in the kitchen? Picture a similar scenario along the lines of Stephan’s. A invites B onto his lakeside property, but while B is not looking A pushes B (who can’t swim) into the water, with intentions of watching him drown. A has now created a positive obligation.

C, standing on public land, or his own land or whoever’s land, that borders A’s land happens to see this and also sees that A is making no attempt to save B and is by that very fact trying to murder him. Now C runs onto A’s land uninvited, jumps into the water and saves B, using whatever force is necessary (but of course always minimal force) to prevent A from stopping him.

Is this not in tune with everything that has been said? Including Kinsella and Block?

jwg October 30, 2009 at 12:13 pm

Descending for a moment from the lofty heights of theory, we should consider the implications in the real world as the theory smashes up against the reality of human nature. Particularly the realities of what people do when they are suffering and feel (rightly or wrongly) like they cannot do anything because of what others (who are not suffering) are doing.

We have numerous real world examples of the resultant, good and bad, of easements and their ugly sister “eminent domain”.

We are coming closer and closer to a real world test of the “encirclement is okay” principle as Israel increasingly chooses to and succeeds in encircling “Palestine” and controlling/cutting off access from and to the region.

I am NOT arguing for or against the theory, nor for or against Israel or Palestine. However, I will argue that Libertarian theory really needs to address the “right” way to handle a situation where 1. a person is in the position of either committing evil or watching his children starve, and 2. has the means, and 3. the “community” does not have the means to pre-emptively take him out.

 

  1. See n. 5 of Kinsella, “On the Obligation to Negotiate, Compromise, and Arbitrate.” []
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Israelis vs. Arabs: What’s the solution?

I appeared last night on Eric Dondero’s Libertarian Politics Live; the topic was Israelis vs. Arabs: What’s the solution? discussing, in part, my column New Israel: A Win-Win-Win Proposal.

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Israeli TV Decision

My column New Israel: A Win-Win-Win Proposal, published back in 2001, has resulted in one of the highest amounts of feedback, and longevity–I still occasionally get emails about it. Some similar proposals that came out after mine are:

Today I got a call from an Israeli TV producer with Kuperman Productions. They are “currently preparing the largest and most important entertainment talk show on Channel 2. … As part of the show we will have an international culture slot, in which we wish to expose the Israeli viewer to international and local events around the world, the country tradition and important peoples. For example, we interviewed an Italian minister, Dutch football player, an Italian model etc. ” In Houston, he told me, they will go to NASA, interview an Astros baseball player, a sheriff, etc. “The program also explores and probes what it means to be Israeli and will attempt to reveal how Israel is perceived throughout the world.” They said they liked my “New Israel” paper and “were impressed by the interesting and brave idea.” So they wanted to interview me next month. “The interview will be held in a light and friendly manner.”

I am typically inclined not to do these things (e.g., turned down several Federalist Society invitations to speak on IP or other topics in recent years), primarily because there is always a cost to me (since I hate being away from home and my family) and there is little gain.

I ran it by some libertarian friends and colleagues, more out of curiousity than anything else. One attorney friend thought it could be a setup, a la Ali G. I don’t think so, but appreciate his cynicism. The libertarians all thought I should do it. Of course–they are all altruists! 🙂

So one firiend on the libertarian list said, when I challenged him to tell me exactly why he thinks I should do this:

me: “Why should I do it? Why is it worth 2 hours of my time?”

Friend: “I am not going to make subjective value judgements for you, but maybe you could use the 2 hours to push some libertarian theory on unsuspecting interviewers.”

Well. To me, this is altruistic.

A libertarian professor said:

“This seems like a real no brainer to me. Of COURSE you should do this. If not, at the very least you should give them the name of someone you trust to articulate your views on this matter.

Why?

Well, two reasons.

First the personal. This will shift out to the right the demand curve for your services.

Second, the political. This will help promote libertarianism. Would libertarianism be better or worse off if Ron Paul stopped running for pres, the MI disbanded, and other attempts to gain publicity for libertarianism ceased? As I say, a no brainer. Going on tv helps promote our cause; that’s why I do it, plus give public speeches, organize seminars, etc.

Another point you might want to make. Even if we cease all foreign aid to Israel, it by no means follows that Israeli safety (in their present location) will fall. First, private giving will continue. Second, our govt but not private money supports their socialism. Without it, Israel would be more capitalist, richer, and thus better able to defend itself. Third, our govt money ties their hands in terms of military options.”

As for his first reason: I don’t think this will help me more demanded as a patent lawyer or GC. Second, I don’t see how I personally benefit from marginally pushing libertarianism in Israel. The effect is slight at best; is it worth 2 hours of my life? No.

And, the deciding punch: I ran it by the wife. Her instant reply? “Absolutely not. Are you crazy?! Those f***ng people are nuts. Some *** might kill you. Who knows. This is our family.”

So, it’s a no-go on the interview. Israeli TV, I hardly knew ye.

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Thoughts on the Latecomer and Homesteading Ideas; or, Why the Very Idea of ‘Ownership’ Implies that only Libertarian Principles are Justifiable,” Mises Economics Blog (Aug. 15, 2007). Archived comments below.

Thoughts on the Latecomer and Homesteading Ideas; or, why the very idea of “ownership” implies that only libertarian principles are justifiable

TAGS Calculation and KnowledgePhilosophy and MethodologyPolitical TheoryPrivate Property

The following is an edited version of my recent post on a libertarian discussion list. I’ve often noted how Hoppe’s writings on libertarian ethics stress the importance of the “prior-later” distinction and the problems with the “latecomer” ethic. A few thoughts on this, which occurred to me while daydreaming earlier today. Much of it is redundant with what has been said before.

Often we have emphasized the importance of the first-use (Lockean homesteading) rule as the only objective, fair, rational principle for allocating property rights. Hoppe repeatedly blends this in with his defense of the first-use, first-own idea.

Let me first note simply that if there is any dispute about ownership, it recognizes ownership as distinct from mere possession. Ownership may be thought of as the right to possess. As Yiannopoulos notes (2):

Property may be defined as an exclusive right to control an economic good, corporeal or incorporeal; it is the name of a concept that refers to the rights and obligations, privileges and restrictions that govern the relations of man with respect to things of value. People everywhere and at all times desire the possession of things that are necessary for survival or valuable by cultural definition and which, as a result of the demand placed upon them, become scarce. Laws enforced by organized society control the competition for, and guarantee the enjoyment of, these desired things. What is guaranteed to be one’s own is property. …. [Property rights are those] rights that confer a direct and immediate authority over a thing.”

But what is implied in the idea that the right to possess—ownership, that is—is distinct from mere possession? It means that if there is any ownership at all—and those who quarrel over things are all asserting different ownership claims and thus presupposing ownership and its distinction from possession—then it does not accrue merely to those who take things from others. That is, if B takes a thing by force from A, this cannot in and of itself make B the owner. Why? Because if it did, it means that C could take it from B, and thereby become owner. But this just means there is no such thing as ownership; there is only possession. “Might makes right,” so to speak. But this contradicts the presumption that ownership and possession are different.From this very simple idea, we see that the entire Lockean idea of first-use, first-own, follows. Why? Because if taking some good by force from its previous is not sufficient to ground an ownership claim, then by Misesian-style “regression” it becomes obvious that only the first possessor/user can have an ownership claim. Every other person takes it from a previous possessor, and is thus a mere possessor—not an owner. The first possessor—the person who plucks the resource from its unowned state out of the commons—is the only possessor who does not take it from someone else; this is why first possession imbues the homesteader with the unique status of ownership.

I.e., the first user and possessor of a good is either its owner or he is not. If he is not, then who is? The person who takes it from him by force? If forcefully taking possession from a prior owner entitles the new possessor to the thing, then there is no such thing as ownership, but only mere possession. But such a rule — that a later user may acquire something by taking it from the previous owner — does not avoid conflicts, it rather authorizes them.

In other words, we can see not only that Lockean homesteading (which is essential to libertarian ethics) is inextricably bound up with the prior-later distinction (and opposed to the late-comer ethic), but that the very idea of ownership implies that only libertarian-style ownership is justifiable.

***

Now this kind of reasoning is inherent in Hoppe’s repeated emphasis on the latecomer ethic being inherent to all forms of socialism. See, e.g., Hoppe, A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism. Some relevant excerpts are appended below.

Note also de Jasay’s way of putting this: his “let exclusion stand” principle (see extended quotes/discussion below). In a nutshell: de Jasay equates property with its owner’s “excluding” others from using it, for example by fencing in immovable property (e.g. land) or finding or creating (and keeping) movable property. Thus, the principle means “let ownership stand,” i.e., that claims to ownership of property appropriated from the state of nature or acquired ultimately through a chain of title tracing back to such an appropriation should be respected. De Jasay uses this idea to demolish the criticism that homesteading unowned resources unilaterally and unjustifiably imposes on others moral duties to refrain from interfering. He writes:

“The basic defense, however, is quite general and straightforward. It is that if a prospective owner can in fact perform it, taking first possession of a thing is a feasible act of his that is admissible if it is not a tort (in this case not trespass) and violates no right; but this is the case by definition, i.e., by the thing being identified as “unowned” [p. 173].”

In other words, if everyone is generally free to act unless they are violating others rights, there is simply no reason not to allow a person to appropriate unowned property. For who could object, if not another, prior owner? To be entitled to object is to be able to “exclude” the claimant, but the right to exclude is an incident of ownership, and the property is by presumption unowned. No one can validly object to my appropriating unowned property, then, because, assuming feasible actions are free, any objection itself must claim a right, and this itself raises a type of ownership claim.

Note that the de Jasayan idea of “let exclusion stand” or the Hoppean idea that the prior-later distinction is of crucial importance also sheds light on the nature of homesteading itself. Often the question is asked as to what types of acts constitute or are sufficient for homesteading (or “embordering” as Hoppe sometimes refers to it); what type of “labor” must be “mixed with” a thing; and to what property does the homesteading extend? What “counts” as “sufficient” homesteading? Etc. And we can see that in a way the answer to these questions is related to the issue of what is the thing in dispute. In other words, if B claims ownership of a thing possessed (or formerly possessed) by A, then the very framing of the dispute helps to identify what the thing is and what counts as possession of it. If B claims ownership of a given resource, he must want the right to control it according to its nature. Then the question becomes, did someone else previously control it (according to its nature); i.e., did someone else already homestead it, so that B is only a latecomer? This ties in with de Jasay’s “let exclusion stand” principle, which rests on the idea that if someone is actually able to control a resource such that others are excluded, then this exclusion should “stand.” Of course, the physical nature of a given scarce resource and the way in which humans use such resources will determine the nature of actions needed to “control” it and exclude others.

De Jasay, as a matter of fact, considers two basic types of appropriation: “finding and keeping” and “enclosure (p. 174). The former applies primarily to movable objects that may be found, taken, and hidden or used exclusively. Since the thing has no other owner, prima facie no one is entitled to object to the first possessor claiming ownership.

For immovable property (land), possession is taken by “enclosing” the land and incurring exclusion costs, e.g., erecting a fence (again, similar to Hoppe’s “embordering”—establishing an objective, intersubjectively ascertainable border). As in the case with movables, others’ loss of the opportunity to appropriate the property does not give rise to a claim sufficient to oust the first possessor (if it did, it would be an ownership claim).

One more tie-in to note: as the above discussion makes clear, different types of scarce resources are homesteaded (and controlled) in different ways. E.g., land is appropriated by embordering and/or transforming it; other things, such as movables, things that may be “found, taken, and hidden or used exclusively”, by “finding and keeping” the good in question.

But note that this applies to unowned resources—not to bodies, which are never unowned. Unowned resources, as I point out in How We Come To Own Ourselves, are unowned, non-bodily things appropriated by actors-with-bodies. As I note in that article, appropriation (first use) is the general way of establishing ownership of—an objective link with—an unowned resource; but in the case of bodies, the objective link is established by the unique relationship between a person and “his” body — his direct and immediate control over the body, and the fact that, at least in some sense, a body is a given person and vice versa.

Thus, just as there are different ways to appropriate—first use, or possess—an unowned resource, according to its nature and the way it in which it is controlled, so there is a difference in how ownership is established over one’s body, and over (unowned) things one (already having a body) acquires from the commons. But in all cases, one’s control over the resource in question (and it is “direct and immediate control” in the case of oen’s body) is relevant to ownership claims.

*******

Below are some extended relevant excerpts from Hoppe and de Jasay (or my summary/discussion of de Jasay):

Hoppe, A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism, pp. 141-43:

“The basic norms of capitalism were characterized not only by the fact that [p. 142] property and aggression were defined in physical terms; it was of no less importance that in addition property was defined as private, individualized property and that the meaning of original appropriation, which evidently implies making a distinction between prior and later, had been specified. It is with this additional specification as well that socialism comes into conflict. Instead of recognizing the vital importance of the prior-later distinction in deciding between conflicting property claims, socialism proposes norms which in effect state that priority is irrelevant in making such a decision and that late-comers have as much of a right to ownership as first-comers. Clearly, this idea is involved when social-democratic socialism, for instance, makes the natural owners of wealth and/or their heirs pay a tax so that the unfortunate latecomers might be able to participate in its consumption. And this idea is also involved, for instance, when the owner of a natural resource is forced to reduce (or increase) its present exploitation in the interest of posterity. Both times it only makes sense to do so when it is assumed that the person accumulating wealth first, or using the natural resource first, thereby commits an aggression against some late-comers. If they have done nothing wrong, then the late-comers could have no such claim against them.[19]

“What is wrong with this idea of dropping the prior-later distinction as morally irrelevant? First, if the late-comers, i.e., those who did not in fact do something with some scarce goods, had indeed as much of a right to them as the first-comers, i.e., those who did do something with the scarce goods, then literally no one would be allowed to do anything with anything, as one would have to have all of the late-comers’ consent prior to doing whatever one wanted to do. Indeed, as posterity would include one’s children’s children—people, that is, who come so late that one could never possibly ask them—advocating a legal system that does not make use of the prior-later distinction as part of its underlying property theory is simply absurd in [p. 143] that it implies advocating death but must presuppose life to advocate any thing. Neither we, our forefathers, nor our progeny could, do, or will survive and say or argue anything if one were to follow this rule. In order for any person—past, present, or future—to argue anything it must be possible to survive now. Nobody can wait and suspend acting until everyone of an indeterminate class of late-comers happens to appear and agree to what one wants to do. Rather, insofar as a person finds himself alone, he must be able to act, to use, produce, consume goods straightaway, prior to any agreement with people who are simply not around yet (and perhaps never will be). And insofar as a person finds himself in the company of others and there is conflict over how to use a given scarce resource, he must be able to resolve the problem at a definite point in time with a definite number of people instead of having to wait unspecified periods of time for unspecified numbers of people. Simply in order to survive, then, which is a prerequisite to arguing in favor of or against anything, property rights cannot be conceived of as being timeless and nonspecific regarding the number of people concerned. Rather, they must necessarily be thought of as originating through acting at definite points in time for definite acting individuals.[20]

“Furthermore, the idea of abandoning the prior-later distinction, which socialism finds so attractive, would again simply be incompatible with the nonaggression principle as the practical foundation of argumentation. To argue and possibly agree with someone (if only on the fact that there is dis agreement) means to recognize each other’s prior right of exclusive control over his own body. Otherwise, it would be impossible for anyone to first say anything at a definite point in time and for someone else to then be able to reply, or vice versa, as neither the first nor the second speaker would be independent physical decision-making units anymore, at any time. Eliminating the prior-later distinction then, as socialism attempts to do, is tantamount to eliminating the possibility of arguing and reaching agreement. However, [p. 144] as one cannot argue that there is no possibility for discussion without the prior control of every person over his own body being recognized and accepted as fair, a late-comer ethic that does not wish to make this difference could never be agreed upon by anyone. Simply saying that it could implies a contradiction, as one’s being able to say so would presuppose one’s existence as an independent decision-making unit at a definite point in time.”

“19. For an awkward philosophical attempt to justify a late-comer ethic cf. J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, Cambridge, 1971, pp.284ff; J. Sterba, The Demands of Justice, Notre Dame, 1980, esp. pp.58ff, pp.137ff ; On the absurdity of such an ethic cf. M. N. Rothbard, Man, Economy and State, Los Angeles, 1972, p.427.

“20. It should be noted here, too, that only if property rights are conceptualized as private property rights originating in time, does it then become possible to make contracts. Clearly enough, contracts are agreements between enumerable physically independent units which are based on the mutual recognition of each contractor’s private ownership claims to things acquired prior to the agreement, and which then concern the transfer of property titles to definite things from a specific prior to a specific later owner. No such thing as contracts could conceivably exist in the framework of a late-comer ethic! [p. 239]”

***

See also my discussion of Hoppe and embordering in the thread to the Owning Thoughts and Labor post. Note first Hoppe’s discussion of the notion of scarcity, from A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism (p. 134):

I will first state this general theory of property as a set of rules applicable to all goods with the purpose of helping one to avoid all possible conflicts by means of uniform principles, and will then demonstrate how this general theory is implied in the nonaggression principle. Since according to the nonaggression principle a person can do with his body whatever he wants as long as he does not thereby aggress against another person’s body, that person could also make use of other scarce means, just as one makes use of one’s own body, provided these other things have not already been appropriated by someone else but are still in a natural, unowned state. As soon as scarce resources are visibly appropriated—as soon as someone “mixes his labor,” as John Locke phrased it,10 with them and there are objective traces of this—then property, i.e., the right of exclusive control, can only be acquired by a contractual transfer of property titles from a previous to a later owner, and any attempt to unilaterally delimit this exclusive control of previous owners or any unsolicited transformation of the physical characteristics of the scarce means in question is, in strict analogy with aggressions against other people’s bodies, an unjustifiable action.11 [p. 135]

Note hoppe nowhere assumes you own your labor, any more than you own your acts, thoughts, knowledge, intentions, etc., all of which are needed to do possess something. Hoppe focuses on embordering something—being the first to demark an unowned thing as one’s own. As Hoppe writes: “… property claims … which can be derived from past, embordering productive efforts and which can be tied to specific individuals as producers… ” [TSC, p. 13] So, according to Hoppe, it’s not because you own your labor; it’s because you have the best connection to the resource because you were the first; note elsewhere Hoppe focuses repeatedly on the significance of the prior-later distinction.

Hoppe also writes:

Hence, the right to acquire such goods must be assumed to exist. Now, if this is so, and if one does not have the right to acquire such rights of exclusive control over unused, nature-given things through one’s own work, i.e., by doing something with things with which no one else had ever done anything before, and if other people had the right to disregard one’s ownership claim with respect to such things which they had not worked on or put to some particular use before, then this would only be possible if one could acquire property titles not through labor, i.e., by establishing some objective, intersubjectively controllable link between a particular person and a particular scarce resource, but simply by verbal declaration; by decree. [] The separation is based on the observation that some particular scarce resource had in fact — for everyone to see and verify, as objective indicators for this would exist— been made an expression or materialization of one’s own will, or, as the case may be, of someone else’s will.” (TSC, pp. 135-136; see also pp. 142-144)

 

Here Hoppe talks about acquiring property by one’s labor, which he equates to “establishing some objective, intersubjectively controllable link between a particular person and a particular scarce resource”, and which he contrasts with “simply by verbal declaration; by decree”. I.e., for Hoppe, ownership of a thing is established by establishing an objective link between the person and the resource. Once this is done, that person has the best claim to it, by virtue of the prior-later distinction. Nowhere does Hoppe accept the ridiculous notion that you “own” your “labor.”

***

Also, from my review of de Jasay’s great book, against politics:

“As noted above, however, de Jasay does not seem to believe that normative propositions can be justified, and he does not really try to do so. He just uses the occasional “should” and normative premise where it is unavoidable and appears to simply presume that the reader shares these (uncontroversial) premises, perhaps counting on the reader’s own good will or love of consistency. For example, he merely asserts that “[i]t is dubious in the extreme that a political authority is entitled to employ its power of coercion for imposing value choices on society . . . and on individual members” (p. 151). Yet the force of the normative concepts “dubious” and “entitled” here is diluted by the lack of even an attempt at justification.

De Jasay’s argument is thus a hypothetical one—and I am not sure if he would disagree for I am not sure he thinks anything better is possible—for it relies for its persuasiveness on the listener already valuing (for some reason) the goals of justice, efficiency, and order. Nevertheless, because most of these principles are certainly sound and justifiable anyway (for example, using Rothbard’s or Hoppe’s ethical theory), and because de Jasay’s critical and analytical skills are so acute, much of interest emerges from this essay.

His three principles of politics are: (1) if in doubt, abstain from political action (pp. 147 et seq.); (2) the feasible is presumed free (pp. 158 et seq.); and (3) let exclusion stand (pp. 171 et seq.). … … I found the justification of principle (3), “let exclusion stand,” to be of most interest, especially the discussion of homesteading or appropriation of unowned goods. De Jasay equates property with its owner’s “excluding” others from using it, for example by fencing in immovable property (land) or finding or creating (and keeping) movable property (corporeal, tangible objects). Thus, the principle means “let ownership stand,” i.e., that claims to ownership of property appropriated from the state of nature or acquired ultimately through a chain of title tracing back to such an appropriation should be respected.

The basic defense of the Lockean proposition that the first or original appropriator of property is entitled to appropriate it draws on his previous “feasible” principle (2) as well as his distinction between rights and liberties. Others have objected to the idea that one can appropriate unowned property on the grounds that such an action unilaterally (and thus unjustifiably) imposes on others moral duties to refrain from interfering.

The basic defense, however, is quite general and straightforward. It is that if a prospective owner can in fact perform it, taking first possession of a thing is a feasible act of his that is admissible if it is not a tort (in this case not trespass) and violates no right; but this is the case by definition, i.e., by the thing being identified as “unowned” [p. 173].

Thus, by treating individuals as being free to act unless it contravenes a right (claim) of another, there is simply no reason not to allow a person to appropriate unowned property. For who could object, if not another, prior owner? To be entitled to object is to be able to “exclude” the claimant, but the right to exclude is an incident of ownership, and the property is by presumption unowned. No one can validly object to my appropriating unowned property, then, because, assuming feasible actions are free, any objection itself must claim a right, and this itself raises a type of ownership claim.[2]

[1]See Hans-Hermann Hoppe, A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism, ch. 7; idem, Economics and Ethics of Private Property, chs. 8-11.

[2]Similar reasoning is employed in my estoppel theory of rights to preclude someone from denying the rights that they necessarily presume exist in a certain context (punishment). This theory is related to and draws on Hoppe’s argumentation ethics. See Kinsella, “A Libertarian Theory of Punishment and Rights”; idem, “New Rationalist Directions in Libertarian Rights Theory.” Hoppe’s insights into why the first appropriator has a better moral claim than late-comers is also of relevance here. See Hans-Hermann Hoppe, A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism, p.141-44; idem, Economics and Ethics of Private Property, p. 191-93.

Also, an excerpt from my Defending Argumentation Ethics:

Objective Links: First Use, Verbal Claims, and the Prior-Later Distinction

So now we come to libertarianism. It turns out that libertarianism is the only theory of rights that satisfies the presuppositions of discourse, because only it advocates assigning ownership by means of objective links between the owner and the property. This link, of course, is first use, or original appropriation. Only the norm assigning ownership in a thing to its first user, or his transferee in title, could fulfill this requirement, or the other presuppositions of argumentation.

There is clearly an objective link between the person who first begins to use something, and emborders it, and all others in the world. Everyone can see this. No goods are ever subject to conflict unless they are first acquired by someone. The first user and possessor of a good is either its owner or he is not. If he is not, then who is? The person who takes it from him by force? If forcefully taking possession from a prior owner entitles the new possessor to the thing, then there is no such thing as ownership, but only mere possession. But such a rule — that a later user may acquire something by taking it from the previous owner — does not avoid conflicts, it rather authorizes them. It is nothing more than mights-makes-right writ large. This is not what peaceful, cooperative, conflict-free argumentative justification is about.

What about the person who verbally declares that he owns the good that another has appropriated? Again, this rule is not justifiable because it does not avoid conflicts — because everyone in the world can simultaneously decree that they own any thing. With multiple claimants for a piece of property, each having an “equally good” verbal decree, there is no way to avoid conflict by allocating ownership to a particular person. No way, other than an objective link, that is, which again shows why there must be an objective link between the claimant and the resource. As Hoppe states:

“Hence, the right to acquire such goods must be assumed to exist. Now, if this is so, and if one does not have the right to acquire such rights of exclusive control over unused, nature-given things through one’s own work, i.e., by doing something with things with which no one else had ever done anything before, and if other people had the right to disregard one’s ownership claim with respect to such things which they had not worked on or put to some particular use before, then this would only be possible if one could acquire property titles not through labor, i.e., by establishing some objective, intersubjectively controllable link between a particular person and a particular scarce resource, but simply by verbal declaration; by decree. [] The separation is based on the observation that some particular scarce resource had in fact — for everyone to see and verify, as objective indicators for this would exist — been made an expression or materialization of one’s own will, or, as the case may be, of someone else’s will.” (TSC, pp. 135-136; see also pp. 142-144)

As Hoppe notes, assigning ownership based on verbal decree would be incompatible with the “nonaggression principle regarding bodies,” which is presupposed due to the cooperative, peaceful, conflict-free nature of argumentative justification. Moreover, it would not addess the problem of conflict avoidance, as explained above.

Thus, Hoppe is correct, when he writes:

“Hence, one is forced to conclude that the socialist ethic is a complete failure. In all of its practical versions, it is no better than a rule such as ‘I can hit you, but you cannot hit me,’ which even fails to pass the universalization test. And if it did adopt universalizable rules, which would basically amount to saying ‘everybody can hit everybody else,’ such rulings could not conceivably be said to be universally acceptable on account of their very material specification. Simply to say and argue so must presuppose a person’s property right over his own body. Thus, only the first-come-first-own ethic of capitalism can be defended effectively as it is implied in argumentation. And no other ethic could be so justified, as justifying something in the course of argumentation implies presupposing the validity of precisely this ethic of the natural theory of property.” (144)

***

Excerpt from my How We Come To Own Ourselves:

Recall that the purpose of property rights is to permit conflicts over scarce (rivalrous) resources to be avoided. To fulfill this purpose, property titles to particular resources are assigned to particular owners. The assignment must not, however, be random, arbitrary, or biased, if it is to actually be a property norm and possibly help conflict to be avoided. What this means is that title has to be assigned to one of the competing claimants based on “the existence of an objective, intersubjectively ascertainable link between owner and the” resource claimed.[3]

Thus, it is the concept of objective link between claimants and a claimed resource that determines property ownership. First use is merely what constitutes the objective link in the case of previously unowned resources. In this case, the only objective link to the thing is that between the first user — the appropriator — and the thing. Any other supposed link is not objective, and is merely based on verbal decree, or on some type of formulation that violates the prior-later distinction. But the prior-later distinction is crucial if property rights are to actually establish rights, and to make conflict avoidable. Moreover, ownership claims cannot be based on mere verbal decree, as this also would not help to reduce conflict, since any number of people could simply decree their ownership of the thing.[4]

So for homesteaded things — previously unowned resources — the objective link is first use. It has to be by the nature of the situation.

[4]Hoppe elaborates on these themes in ch. 1, 2, and 7 of A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism.

Archived comments:

Comments (116)

  • Mark Humphrey
  • It simply does not follow logically that if Jones homesteads unclaimed resources, or acquires those resources from another through voluntary exchange, that Jones thereby “owns” those resources. For “ownership” and “property” are ethical principles that cannot be proven to exist without defining, demonstrating, and explaining the purpose of ethics, its source and nature.In other words, nothing in the act of homesteading, or in the act of voluntary exchange, or in the act of a forced taking, proves the existence of ethical norms, of which ownership is an instance. Why should it? Without an ultimate moral standard by which one may define the good, it isn’t possible to evaluate the moral character of a choice, or of normative concepts such a property.From what source would such an ultimate moral standard emerge? From the nature of man; from the requirements of human life. What purpose would an ultimate standard of moral value serve? The purpose of human life and flourishing. How would one establish that a standard of moral value exists? By demonstrating that because moral values exist to advance the purpose of human life, all moral values necessarily presuppose the existence of the ultimate moral standard: the life of the individual. For life–and only life–makes values possible. If one loses one’s life, one has no need for values.

    Ethics involves discovering norms by which people ought to guide their choices; “property” is such a norm, a moral good. But the Moral Good must be derived from the challenge peculiar to human experience, namely the responsibility of making appropriate choice for the purpose of sustaining and advancing one’s life. What other standard of the good makes the least bit of sense?

    To attempt to devise ethical shortcuts in defense of property, skipping over the reality of human nature and the necessity of human choice, leads to Nowhere Land. It amounts to building sandcastles to the sky. The result might look impressive, or even grand; but it’s still only a sand castle, not good for much of anything.

  • Published: August 15, 2007 8:15 PM

  • DC
  • Ethics involves discovering norms by which people ought to guide their choices; “property” is such a norm, a moral good. But the Moral Good must be derived from the challenge peculiar to human experience, namely the responsibility of making appropriate choice for the purpose of sustaining and advancing one’s life. What other standard of the good makes the least bit of sense?Sustaining and advancing one’s values or desires, which may sometimes conflict with one’s health or life, comes to mind.
  • Published: August 15, 2007 9:13 PM

  • Person
  • “Property may be defined as an exclusive right to control an economic good, corporeal or incorporeal; “Wow, it can be incorporeal?
  • Published: August 15, 2007 11:14 PM

  • TokyoTom
  • Stephan, your analysis excludes recognition of the facts of that we are strongly tribal in our perceptions and instincts and that much of our property rights are not truly private but held communally by groups (see Ostrom).Our tribal nature is why we cooperate so well in groups (see Yandle) and establish control over nature, while remaining vulnerable to manipulation based on suspicion of outsiders who might attempt to treat “our” property as it if were an unowned, open-access resource.While individual-based private property systems have proven more productive at higher levels of population concentration, more traditional (and less individualistic) communal sytems remain dominant in some areas, such as the Hutterite communes on the Great Plains. These more traditional communities surely own their properties without being libertarian.
  • Published: August 15, 2007 11:53 PM

  • Stephan Kinsella
  • Person: “”Property may be defined as an exclusive right to control an economic good, corporeal or incorporeal; “Wow, it can be incorporeal?”Yiannopoulos is describing the legal institution of property rights. Sure, there can be property rights in incorporeal things, like “inventions” or “original works of authorship”. There can also be murder and slavery.

    TokyoTom: “Stephan, your analysis excludes recognition of the facts of that we are strongly tribal in our perceptions and instincts and that much of our property rights are not truly private but held communally by groups (see Ostrom).”

    Hey, you’ve been in Japan too long. Too much ant-like hive-think. 🙂

  • Published: August 16, 2007 12:20 AM

  • TGGP
  • I don’t see how this makes the radio spectrum any more “homesteadable” or “emborderable” than intellectual property.Max Stirner focuses on “property” rather than “rights” in his Der Ego und es Eigentzum, which would best be translated as “The Individual and its Property”. He declares property to be what one possesses, or is capable of possessing. He also declares everything to be his property, because he will treat it as such. In his Union of Egoists multiple people treat each other as their own property, to be used for their own purposes. He does not count it as a defect that more than one person can claim the exact same thing as their own property. I think the idea of property through perception deserves more attention, which TokyoTom hinted at. It may be the case that I am the last remaining Neandertal with an unbroken line of inheritance to some choice land in Europes stolen by those vicious and possibly cannibalistic homo sapiens sapiens who claim the continent today. Those concerned with morality might bemoan the past injustice, and I am certain most of us would be disgusted by our ancestors if we encountered them, see Pinker on changing morality and violence. Even in the modern day I feel anger toward Mugabe due to his disrespect for the property of others and his inflammation of violence and racism against many who purchased land directly from him (I am ignoring whether he had ownership to sell). However, none of this means a damn thing since my opinion in that area doesn’t account for much. It is the opinion of those there and with power that matters. People are afraid of Mugabe and his thugs. Angola even sends him ninjas. Mr. White Rhodesian ex-farmer has no ownership if ownership means anything practically because ownership he claims is not recognized by the thugs that have taken over his farm. Mugabe owns it. I wish he didn’t but if wishes were wings pigs would fly, so let’s not discuss that. So, a question is how to convince others to recognize your property. I don’t think Rothbard, or Hoppe or Kinsella will be able to persuade Mr. Mugabe and those like him. Since those least prone to respecting the property of others are the biggest problems, I think it would be sensible for libertarians to devote more time to considering how to deal with them rather than ethical philosophers. “Assassination Politics” is a start. Mencius Moldbug’s formalism is another.
  • Published: August 16, 2007 2:49 AM

  • TGGP
  • I should have added some line-breaks, but it’s too late now.
  • Published: August 16, 2007 2:50 AM

  • Anthony
  • Mark: “To attempt to devise ethical shortcuts in defense of property, skipping over the reality of human nature and the necessity of human choice, leads to Nowhere Land. It amounts to building sandcastles to the sky. The result might look impressive, or even grand; but it’s still only a sand castle, not good for much of anything. “You seem to be saying that property rights must be derived from a system like natural law. And I agree. However, argumentation ethics may well circumvent this entirely by showing that one cannot argue against the presuppositions of argumentation (and thus argue a contrary moral) without thereby contradicting oneself.TT, if people want to hold property in common that is their prerogative – they may dispose of their property rights as they please.
  • Published: August 16, 2007 6:14 AM

  • Anthony
  • TGGP, what you seem to be getting at is how to get those in power to respect property rights – that is a matter entirely separate from ethics, although whether it would be just or not is precisely what ethics concerns itself with.
  • Published: August 16, 2007 6:20 AM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Anthony, in an important sense, I’m not saying that property rights must be derived from natural law. I’m saying that natural law, including ethical norms such as individual rights, including one’s rights to live, to liberty, to property, to self defense, logically have to be derived from the nature of the being to which the rights belong.Specifically, ethics is a logical extension of moral values (about which, more below). Moral values exist to guide one’s chocies toward the achievement of an ultimate standard: one’s life and happiness. Moral values are objective, in two fundamental ways.They are objective first, because the broad requirements of successful human living are objective. Regardless of one’s cultural background, or intelligence, or personal appearance, or wealth, one cannot become happy, for example, through the use of recreational drugs, or by avoiding the effort and challenge of productive work, or by dealing with facts as though they were optional. Regardless of whom one happens to be, to be happy, one must choose to live to achieve one’s human potential, by appropriately engaging life as a human being, by thinking and making good choices that advance one’s objective natural interests.

    Moral values are objective secondarily, in that people are individuals, endowed with personal traits, talents, and limitations. To be happy, one’s personal moral values should be congruent with one’s personal goals steming from one’s uniqueness. This facet of human nature does not contradict the broader requirements of successful human living that apply to everyone.

    These ideas are concerned with moral philosophy, which provides the necessary framework to any subsequent discussion of ethical norms. For ethics is morality applied specifically to the realm of relationships among people. Without first establishing what purpose morality serves–that is, exactly what it is about being human that raises the need for moral values, exactly what these values do for people–one could not establish the nature and purpose of ethics. Nor could one establish the existence of particular ethical principles such as individual rights, including to property, at least in any compelling or persuasive way.

    While Murray Rothbard was a brilliant economist and often an insightful social critic, he and his followers want to dispense with moral philosophy–and with the more abstract groundwork of epistemology and metaphysics–and simply infer “natural law” in the area of political philosophy.

    I doubt that this can be accomplished sucessfully. All of knowlege is logically integrated, a logical hierarchy of increasingly abstract concepts, constructed on the foundation of the evidence of the senses. To dispense with the foundations of moral philosophy as though it were arbitrary or subjective–different somehow for Christians than for atheists, or for Objectivsts versus philosophical agnostics–is an absurdity. Without proven foundations in philosophy, assertions about politics and natural rights are wasted effort. Without first performing the necessary groundwork in moral philosophy, one can’t prove anything about individual rights. One can only postulate.

  • Published: August 16, 2007 1:59 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Anthony, in an important sense, I’m not saying that property rights must be derived from natural law. I’m saying that natural law, including ethical norms such as individual rights, including one’s rights to live, to liberty, to property, to self defense, logically have to be derived from the nature of the being to which the rights belong.Specifically, ethics is a logical extension of moral values (about which, more below). Moral values exist to guide one’s chocies toward the achievement of an ultimate standard: one’s life and happiness. Moral values are objective, in two fundamental ways.They are objective first, because the broad requirements of successful human living are objective. Regardless of one’s cultural background, or intelligence, or personal appearance, or wealth, one cannot become happy, for example, through the use of recreational drugs, or by avoiding the effort and challenge of productive work, or by dealing with facts as though they were optional. Regardless of whom one happens to be, to be happy, one must choose to live to achieve one’s human potential, by appropriately engaging life as a human being, by thinking and making good choices that advance one’s objective natural interests.

    Moral values are objective secondarily, in that people are individuals, endowed with personal traits, talents, and limitations. To be happy, one’s personal moral values should be congruent with one’s personal goals steming from one’s uniqueness. This facet of human nature does not contradict the broader requirements of successful human living that apply to everyone.

    These ideas are concerned with moral philosophy, which provides the necessary framework to any subsequent discussion of ethical norms. For ethics is morality applied specifically to the realm of relationships among people. Without first establishing what purpose morality serves–that is, exactly what it is about being human that raises the need for moral values, exactly what these values do for people–one could not establish the nature and purpose of ethics. Nor could one establish the existence of particular ethical principles such as individual rights, including to property, at least in any compelling or persuasive way.

    While Murray Rothbard was a brilliant economist and often an insightful social critic, he and his followers want to dispense with moral philosophy–and with the more abstract groundwork of epistemology and metaphysics–and simply infer “natural law” in the area of political philosophy.

    I doubt that this can be accomplished sucessfully. All of knowlege is logically integrated, a logical hierarchy of increasingly abstract concepts, constructed on the foundation of the evidence of the senses. To dispense with the foundations of moral philosophy as though it were arbitrary or subjective–different somehow for Christians than for atheists, or for Objectivsts versus philosophical agnostics–is an absurdity. Without proven foundations in philosophy, assertions about politics and natural rights are wasted effort. Without first performing the necessary groundwork in moral philosophy, one can’t prove anything about individual rights. One can only postulate.

  • Published: August 16, 2007 2:02 PM

  • Anthony
  • Mark, are you an Objectivist? Your statements remind me profoundly of Objectivism. Essentially what you have written above seems to me to be consistent with a natural-rights position. I do agree with you on epistemology and metaphysics. Austrianism relies heavily on Kant since Mises, and I think there is good reason to make a return to Aristotle and his metaphysics/ epistemology. Either way though, what Hoppe has attempted, as did Rand, was a way to bypass the ought-is gap (which wouldn’t be necessary if an objective moral system could be outlined.)
  • Published: August 16, 2007 5:45 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Anthony, I’m an objectivist in the broad sense of the term. My favorite ethicist is Tibor Machan.The ought-is gap is a false dictomy, repeated endlessly by moral skeptics since David Hume first postulated this supposedly unbridgeable chasm 300 years ago. The dichotmy is false, because the implications of the process of human living–the seeking of values in support of life and flourishing–point to objective moral purpose. I am persuaded that Rand’s ideas did, in fact, provide broad outlines to an objective and rational (meaning defensible by reason) moral code.Individual natural rights exist. But the arguments employed to prove their existence matter a great deal. I’ve read Hoppe, and I sympathize with his take on private justice versus the taxing predatory state. But the explanation offered by Dr. Hoppe, similar to that of Rothbard and Dr. Kinsella, fails to prove that individual rights exist as facts of man’s nature.

    I only dimly understand your comment about argumentation ethics circumventing the necessity of elaborating and proving moral philosophy. I assume you mean that to deny the existence of property rights forces the denier to advocate an abridgement of his right to exist, which he presumes when he speaks.

    However, such reasoning fails to establish individual rights because the argument is circular. It assumes that ethical rights exist: either everyone has the right to “own” everyone else, or we all “own” ourselves. Since the latter proposition is more plausible, individual rights are held to exist. But this proves nothing important, because it begs the big issue: do moral values and their derivative, ethical principles, including the individual right to property ownership, really exist? Or are they imaginary or cultural inventions?

    Without good moral philosophy, one can’t prove that anyone “ought” to do anything. In the absence of good moral philosophy, one could argue that moral values are non-objective, in which case our choices and actions would be non-moral. We might then refer to “ownership” in a purely descriptive sense, i.e. Jones “owns” (posseses) that house, or Al Capone “owns” (has control of) that Mansion, or the US federal government “owns” (prohibits private ownership within) 2/3 of the American West. But “ownership” would lose its normative meaning, in which ownership is ascribed to proper ethical conduct.

    But if “ownership” were non-normative and merely descriptive, then arguments spun out from the fact that people exist and have possessions would go nowhere.

    I hope I understood your comments.

  • Published: August 16, 2007 7:24 PM

  • TGGP
  • Hume was right. You can’t get ought from is, no way no how no matter the implications.Regarding your comments about flourishing life what do you think of the Hoover Hog’s anti-natalism/pro-mortalism? He claims it leads right from Rothbard’s libertarian ethics, even though he also claims there is no objective basis for ethics. The final installment has not been posted yet, but here are the first three parts:
    http://hooverhog.typepad.com/hognotes/2007/06/initial_harm_pa.html
    http://hooverhog.typepad.com/hognotes/2007/06/initial_harm_pa_1.html
    http://hooverhog.typepad.com/hognotes/2007/07/initial-harm-pa.html
  • Published: August 16, 2007 8:09 PM

  • Anthony
  • I really can’t say I disagree with anything you have said – as I mentioned before, it mirrors a natural-rights position. Be that as it may, Hoppe’s proof is first and foremost a negative proof – it rules out all non-libertarian ethics, as in order to argue one must presuppose the very things they propose obliterating, thereby contradicting themselves. Hoppe argues not merely that “everyone owns everyone” is implausible, but that it is illogical. Argumentation ethics arise in the context of ethics being there to resolve conflicts over scarce resources, a plausible position in my view – as long as there is scarcity, an ethic to deal with it is indeed inevitable.My point on argumentation ethics circumventing the question of objective morality, by the way, was simply that whether morals are subjective or objective makes no difference to the notion.
  • Published: August 16, 2007 8:17 PM

  • Barry Payne
  • In regard to tangible versus intangible property, consider these points using book copyright as an example.Assume the author and owner of the (new) book sells it to someone else for the present value of all expected sales of the book, which also represent the minimum amount necessary for the author to write the book. (The risk of actual sales above or below this amount are absorbed by the buyer.)At that point, the intangible scarce intellectual property of the book is transformed to the seller into physical tangible property (as money), no different from a stove or computer.

    Now assume there’s no copyright law. Would the seller still write the book? (Assume there’s no leisure value to writing the book.) The answer is yes if it can be sold for the same amount, which it could because it’s unique at that point, i.e. cannot be reproduced.

    At this point, copyright law cannot be justified as a necessary incentive to write the book.

    The (wholesale) buyer now possesses a piece of intangible property that he intends to convert into tangible property through retail sales. With no copyright law in effect, he stages a “Harry Potter” sale designed to sell all the books at one time(expected sales that justified his purchase amount from the author).

    If all the books sell, he recovers his cost plus a normal profit. (Note the author could have done this as well.) Beyond this point, retail purchasers of the books copy, sell or give away further editions of the book at will with no harm to the author or first wholesale purchaser of the book in regards to full cost recovery and incentives to produce further books.

    However, if all the books do not sell, it may be because the retail purchasers conspired to purchase only a few books and copy them at much lower cost for the rest of the group. This changes everything and may stifle production of the book in the first place.

    In order for the author to recover whatever minimum amount is necessary to stimulate writing of the book, retail buyers must be isolated from each other to prevent resale to each other. This is also what monopoly sellers do to segment the market in order to discriminate prices.

    If a copyright law was in place but expired at just the time the author and wholesale purchaser recovered just enough cost to inspire the book in the first place, that would be considered by some as the appropriate point to draw the line between protected and unprotected intangible property.

    If government funds were used to induce the production of this book instead of copyright law, the reservation price needed to generate the book should just equal the present value of sales described above.

    However, the problem is how to prevent many other authors and books of less value attempting to claim the amount as well – how to select who is paid or not. But overall, it may still be superior to using copyright law to induce books.

    A good example is how pharmaceutical drugs are developed both, at the NIH as well as privately. Most agree the situation is grossly inefficient due largely to patent abuse and needs an overhaul.

    One way to do it is to set reservation prices with government funds to develop certain desired drugs, for which production rights would be placed in the public domain. This would wipe out economic profit, copycat drugs and genetic buy-backs and encouraging much more innovation.

  • Published: August 16, 2007 9:51 PM

  • TokyoTom
  • Stephan and Anthony: My point is that your analysis is missing a grounding in the history/evolution of man’s possession and use of resources. Life itself is a struggle for resources and in the past, resources were most effectively acquired and protected by groups, not by individuals acting on the basis of recognized indivudual rights.Those groups that most effectively controlled and made productive use of resources gradually have won out against other groups in these ongoing resource struggles – largely societies that internally have controlled tragedy of the commons and rent-seeking problems by establishing rules of ownership. This historical result is not proof that “the very idea of “ownership” implies that only libertarian principles are justifiable”, but simply that these principles help societies to function more smoothly and productively than societies without them. The self-serving assertion that “I own this” implies not that only libertarian principles are justifiable, but that one hopes that others will decline to contest that claim, backed perhaps by clear and impartialially enfrceable rules of law.Clearly, even within modern market socieities considerations of power and influence remain as important as assertions of ownership, and rent-seeking and tragedy of the commons problems persist.

    But this is even more the case with respect to struggles of resources BETWEEN societies, as opposed to within them. On the international scene, where the race for resources continues, kleptocrats rule, and “there is no such thing as ownership; there is only possession. ‘Might makes right,’ so to speak.”

    Regards,

    Tom

  • Published: August 16, 2007 10:38 PM

  • TokyoTom
  • TGGP: “I don’t think Rothbard, or Hoppe or Kinsella will be able to persuade Mr. Mugabe and those like him. Since those least prone to respecting the property of others are the biggest problems, I think it would be sensible for libertarians to devote more time to considering how to deal with them rather than ethical philosophers.”Well said. But libertarians are disinclined, because of fears about rent-seeking, to discuss how the state can be used to address any international problems, even problems that are not subject to private action.
  • Published: August 16, 2007 10:48 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Anthony, I don’t want to beat you over the head about this, but this sentence of yours contains logical problems:”Argumentation ethics arise in the context of ethics being there to resolve conflicts over scarce resources, a plausible position in my view – as long as there is scarcity, an ethic to deal with it is indeed inevitable.”An ethos “to deal with scarcity” is a set of rules that people should observe. You believe this position to be a plausible means to “resolve conflicts over scarce resources..”. But what is plausible to you or me may be repellent to another. What ultimately counts is not plausibility, but proof.

    “Argumentation ethics” is impoverished, first because it assumes without proof that ethical principles exist; and second, because it fails to explain their source and nature. Having made this giant leap of faith, we’re told to believe these mysterious floating “principles” uphold private property as “more plausible” than collective ownership.

    But not only does this short-cut fail to prove that this particular ethical principle, in favor of private property, exists; it utterly fails to demonstrate that ethical principles exist as objective features of the natural human order.

    This is a huge shortcoming, in light of the following: A) Moral skepticism has been on the ascendancy for perhaps 300 years, and B) Political philosophy, of any ideology or persuasion, reduces to claims about ethics.

    If normative values did not exist (objectively), no one could assert a right to anything, including libertarian natural individual rights. So individualism and freedom would lack moral value, as would various forms of coerced collectivism. One might think this reinforces libertarianism, but in fact it destroys it. For on what grounds would one object to the imposition of a dictatorship? On the grounds of starvation? Tell that to Lenin, or to fervent Greens, or to Hitler-worshipping Nazis, or to Pol Pot. The rise of moral skepticism has been used to justify the tidal wave of totalitarian carnage that swept over the Twentieth Century.

    There is good reason why libertarianism gains only a tiny following, in spite of brilliant economic reasoning by Austrians. Libertarians know what they’re against–coercive state meddling–but they do not know what they are for! Lacking a sound moral philosophy, it is not possible to advocate the good. Lacking a concept of the good, libertarians cannot persuade others that their cause is good and just.

    This is why libertarians tend often to cede crucial ideological ground to their enemies–on war, on environmentalism, and on questions of personal morality. John Stuart Mill was a fervent libertarian, a brilliant economist, and, like most Austrians and Chicago Boys, a utilitarian. Mill, of course, ended his career as an advocate of socialism, the rising fashion of his times.

  • Published: August 16, 2007 10:54 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • To D.C., You referenced my paragraph below, followed by your one sentence comment:Ethics involves discovering norms by which people ought to guide their choices; “property” is such a norm, a moral good. But the Moral Good must be derived from the challenge peculiar to human experience, namely the responsibility of making appropriate choice for the purpose of sustaining and advancing one’s life. What other standard of the good makes the least bit of sense?Sustaining and advancing one’s values or desires, which may sometimes conflict with one’s health or life, comes to mind.
    __________________________________________________
    There is a fundamental reason why life-destroying values cannot be moral values. Moral values are identified as such because they are consistent with an ultimate value standard, a standard that defines the principle of the moral good.

    There is only one ultimate moral standard consistent with common sense: one’s own life. For that fact that one lives is the source of one’s values; cease living and one has no need of values. So the concept of moral values presupposes the life of the valuer as the standard of value. Moral values exist to further one’s life.

    In contrast, self-destructive values contradict their logical source, the valuer’s life. Values exist to serve life; life doesn’t exist to serve values.

  • Published: August 16, 2007 11:38 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • To TGGP:If Hume were correct that moral values cannot exist objectively, why did he make such an effort to persuade others of his ideas? What possible difference would it make what anyone, Hume included, thought about anything? Why should I pay attention to Hume? According to his arguments, “should” is meaningless.Moreover, it seems odd that all people from all cultures through all of history, with no exceptions, have assigned praise and blame to the chocies of others. People sense that moral values exist. They just do not umderstand why.

    I haven’t read anything written by Hoover Hog. But if the Hog himself “claims that there is no objective basis for ethics”, why bother to read him about this? One version of subjective ethics is as “good” (read:”as meaningless”) as another.

  • Published: August 16, 2007 11:49 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • “”Argumentation ethics” is impoverished, first because it assumes without proof that ethical principles exist;”False. It makes no such assumptions. It observes the undeniable fact that in order to decide if ethical principles exist or not, and which ones, if any exist and can be justified, the question must be asked and argued. Argumentation must occur to answer these questions.It then proceeds to demonstrate that there are certain ethical norms logically presupposed by argumentation, and so, if any ethics are proposed that are contrary to them, they represent a performative contradiction and are therefore rendered logically invalid.

    A-E elaborates on these undeniable presuppositions of argumentation, which include a value of reason and truth, peaceful cooperation, homesteading of previously un-owned resources, survival, and acknowledgment of the necessity of universalizable propositions.

    “and second, because it fails to explain their source and nature.”

    False again. The reasons why it is precisely the libertarian ethic and no other ethic that is presupposed in argumentation are completely laid out.

    “Having made this giant leap of faith, we’re told to believe these mysterious floating “principles” uphold private property as “more plausible” than collective ownership.”

    Perhaps you would care to select one or two of these principles and demonstrate just why they do not uphold private property – they are the essence of private property. Make an argument and let’s see how it goes.

    “But not only does this short-cut fail to prove that this particular ethical principle, in favor of private property, exists; it utterly fails to demonstrate that ethical principles exist as objective features of the natural human order.””

    It rather demonstrates that the logical implication of argumentation is exactly these ethical principles. No one can dispute them without presupposing them while in the act of disputing them. Therefore this very act acknowledges them and validates them.

  • Published: August 17, 2007 2:25 AM

  • Anthony
  • TT: I think we’re talking about different things. You seem to be referring to how historically property has been held. I (and I believe Stephan) are talking about what form of property right is ethically (and logically) justifiable. Collectively-held property may well develop in some areas where it is feasible – this is hardly incompatible with a right to private property.Mark: Paul pretty much covered anything I’d have to say in response. I certainly sympathize with your penchant for an objective moral code, and if you can derive this and defend it, all the better. Even moral nihilists/skeptics will have to advocate some rule or other for scarcity (even if it is “no rule”), and will try and argumentatively justify their position.
  • Published: August 17, 2007 6:21 AM

  • TokyoTom
  • Anthony, as the post from TGGP – with all of his links to violent kleptocracy in Zimbabwe – points out, I think we need to keep this grounded in reality. You guys want to talk about ethical systems, but what really counts is the ability to defend one’s property. That’s true everywhere, and of all types of property.There may be arguments that libertarian systems are best, but I think the proof is always in the pudding, so speak.TT
  • Published: August 17, 2007 7:45 AM

  • Chip Smith
  • TGGP:Thanks for linking to my posts.Mark Humphrey:

    For what it’s worth, my argument regarding the ethics of libertarian nonaggression contextually assumes a deontological grounding. But I disagree with your assertion that subjectivity nullifies any need for further discussion. Ethics is like music, math, and masturbation; we do it because we are imaginitive beasts, evolved to solve problems, and bound by socially predicated frustration. It seems vaguely insulting – to thought, not to me – to devalue moral reasoning on the merit that it may lack some transendent provenance. After all, aesthetic pursuits are subject to rigorous qualitative analysis and standards for the simple reason that art matters to human beings. Why should normative propositions then so surely drift into relativistic meaninglessness? If moral conduct matters, it matters for reasons that are traceable to our predicament as sentient mortals. Start there and already some ethical ideas will be more defensible than others, even if they remain subject to revision.

    Ethics is born in our brains. Objectivity – that’s capital “O” Objectivity – is a phantom opiate, not much different from a god. All you have to do is reason and choose, and play the game.

  • Published: August 17, 2007 8:29 AM

  • Barry Payne
  • From a Hobbesian Jungle of anarchy, property rights arose to provide for ownership over mere possession. Elaborate ceremonies and rituals were designed to validate property transfers and confer rights of ownership to individuals, the first formally enforced exclusionary boundaries of property.At one point Hobbes acknowleged that first-use acquisition of unclaimed property was essentially a matter of transaction costs between a “finder” and a potential prior owner. If the acquisition was not otherwise challenged, it was not worth it, for example, for the finder of valuable edible fruits to hunt down their potential owner. Just take it and move on.The first forms of government rose in parallel with the formation of private property. Prior to this period, property was a matter of possession among groups of hunter-gatherers determined solely on survival. The most powerful and skillful hunters got the largest piece of meat so they could hunt again for the benefit of the group.

    After private property was formalized in agricultural societies, the direct link between survival effort, individuals and resource acquisition was severed.

    Cultural influences of property acquisition combined with heroic (libertarian-like?) individualism are powerful and distort reality. If individuals have equal property rights, how could Christopher Columbus “discover” a place already inhabited by two million people?

    The impasse in most libertarian arguments is that the starting point of a Hobbesian Jungle cannot be recreated to match individuals with their productive capabilities going forward. Accumulated property and all its complicated manifestations stand in the way.

    Instead, we use sports and other cultural activities to simulate the level playing fields and competition we (and some libertarians) want to see but do not exist.

  • Published: August 17, 2007 8:53 AM

  • Stephan Kinsella
  • TokyTom:

    TGGP: “I don’t think Rothbard, or Hoppe or Kinsella will be able to persuade Mr. Mugabe and those like him. Since those least prone to respecting the property of others are the biggest problems, I think it would be sensible for libertarians to devote more time to considering how to deal with them rather than ethical philosophers.”

    Well said. But libertarians are disinclined, because of fears about rent-seeking, to discuss how the state can be used to address any international problems, even problems that are not subject to private action.
    … Anthony, as the post from TGGP – with all of his links to violent kleptocracy in Zimbabwe – points out, I think we need to keep this grounded in reality. You guys want to talk about ethical systems, but what really counts is the ability to defend one’s property. That’s true everywhere, and of all types of property.
    There may be arguments that libertarian systems are best, but I think the proof is always in the pudding, so speak.

    Tom, if I read you right, I find the views you are expressing here utterly confused and incorrect. You are making several errors. Eg., you are blaming the victim; equating might with right; etc. TGGP’s point is NOT “well-said”–he is saying that libertarians “will not be able to persuade” certain criminals; and that since this is “the biggest problem,” “it would be sensible for libertarians to devote more time to considering how to deal with them rather than ethical philosophers.” This is so astoundingly stupid I almost do not know how to respond to it. First, it is indeed true that responding to a thug is a technical problem. Why this should be the job of libertarian ethicists is beyond me. Libertarian principles *are directed at ethical people not at criminals*. If you establish there are rights against non-aggression and subsidiary rights to defend or retaliate, then the civilized person who is threatened or victimized by criminals knows he is justified in banding toghether with other civilized people to treat the criminals as technical problems. The comments above betray no awareness of the division of labor.

    TokyoTom compounds TGGP’s positivistic, nihilistic error when he writes, “You guys want to talk about ethical systems, but what really counts is the ability to defend one’s property.” What ‘really counts”!? For who? For what purpose? You might as well argue that libertarianism is flawed since it does not tell you what kind of lock to put on your house! Ridicoulous.

     

  • Published: August 17, 2007 9:31 AM

  • TGGP
  • I didn’t actually expect Chip to drop in here, but it’s a pleasant surprise nonetheless.Kinsella, my point is that libertarians devote surprisingly little time to “technical” problems relative to ethical philosophy. The people who read your ethical philosophy (a self-selected group since I don’t believe Hoppe and Rothbard are assigned in most schools) don’t need to be convinced since they probably weren’t going to attack me and steal my property anyway. I don’t need to read them either to know I’m “justified” in driving thugs off my property; people have been protective of their property long before they were literate and this is likely why the endowment effect is so ingrained. Jim Bell, Mencius Moldbug and Patri Friedman are trying to come up methods to deal with those people who aren’t going to be reading libertarian ethical philosophy, since that would take away from their valuable raping & pillaging time. So why does the libertarian division of labor contain so few of such people who might actually achieve more liberty? In part because most people involved in libertarianism are acting out of altruistic or charitable motives. There is no reason to expect a charitable organization’s activities to respond to its stated goal in the same way as a profitable business does to its customers demands. The “technical” problem is a hard one and could potentially get one in a lot of trouble for attempting to solve it. So we end up having a lot of smart libertarians waste their energies on something that doesn’t bring us any closer to liberty.
  • Published: August 17, 2007 5:24 PM

  • Anthony
  • TT, and TGGP your point is well taken, but what you are both referring to is matters of strategy. I agree that these are woefully under-developed. However, libertarian ethicists do an important job by showing why certain actions are justified (and why others are not.) Dealing with criminals is a technical problem, indeed, but it is also important to know what our ideal should most closely approximate, and to be able to defend it intellectually against leftist (and other) ideologues. Moral arguments may not have the same direct power as force, but nonetheless ideas shape the way people act. It will go a long way to get more people to actually see _why_ taxation is theft (or drafts a form of slavery), and so on, and make them realize justice is on their side (and not, say, Mugabe’s.) In truth, Austrolibertarianism needs all the philosophers, economists, lawyers and strategists it can get.
  • Published: August 17, 2007 6:18 PM

  • Philemon
  • TGGP wrote: “The ‘technical’ problem is a hard one and could potentially get one in a lot of trouble for attempting to solve it.”One of the first things one is supposed to learn in philosophy is precision. That is, saying exactly what you mean. Can you express yourself cogently? Or, can we infer that this is just noise, and go on about our business?I suspect there might be an idea in there, but, for the life of me, I can’t make out what it is.
  • Published: August 17, 2007 8:22 PM

  • Stephan Kinsella
  • TGGP:

    Kinsella, my point is that libertarians devote surprisingly little time to “technical” problems relative to ethical philosophy. The people who read your ethical philosophy (a self-selected group since I don’t believe Hoppe and Rothbard are assigned in most schools) don’t need to be convinced since they probably weren’t going to attack me and steal my property anyway. I don’t need to read them either to know I’m “justified” in driving thugs off my property; people have been protective of their property long before they were literate and this is likely why the endowment effect is so ingrained. Jim Bell, Mencius Moldbug and Patri Friedman are trying to come up methods to deal with those people who aren’t going to be reading libertarian ethical philosophy, since that would take away from their valuable raping & pillaging time. So why does the libertarian division of labor contain so few of such people who might actually achieve more liberty? In part because most people involved in libertarianism are acting out of altruistic or charitable motives. There is no reason to expect a charitable organization’s activities to respond to its stated goal in the same way as a profitable business does to its customers demands. The “technical” problem is a hard one and could potentially get one in a lot of trouble for attempting to solve it. So we end up having a lot of smart libertarians waste their energies on something that doesn’t bring us any closer to liberty.

    I have no idea what your criticism is. You yourself here are engaged in a type of libertarian discussion that is not focused on how to solve technical problems of criminality. Should you shut up and change your focus? If so, go ahead. If not, what in the world are you jabbering about?

     

  • Published: August 17, 2007 10:24 PM

  • TGGP
  • Philemon, the “technical” problem is people that disregard property rights. One possible attempt to solve this is laid out in Jim Bell’s “assassination politics”, which envisions an anonymous market for offing such people. If it is not as anonymous as envisioned, participants could be held liable for conspiracy, first degree murder and so on. It seemed clear enough to me when I first posted what you quoted, but if it wasn’t that should clear it up.Kinsella, I am not what might be called a “professional libertarian”, just a commenter on blogs. I have not yet come up with either a “technical” solution or a libertarian theory of ethics, but I’d be damned sure to work on the former at the expense of the latter if I had the time for either and I had altruistic motivations (which, as a Stirnerite egoist, I suspect is less true for me than most libertarians).
  • Published: August 18, 2007 11:51 AM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • TGGP: Another way of expressing the error in Hume’s famous dictum that one supposedly cannot “jump” from what is, to what ought to be, is this: “What ought to be is an aspect of that which is.”Paul Edwards: In “Man Economy and State”, Murray Rothbard wrote about his proof for “self ownership”, to along the following lines: There are two mutually exclusive alternatives: either everyone owns themselves, and by extension their own products and achievements; or everyone owns everyone else, together with their products and achievements, but not themselves. Clearly, the first of the two alternatives is more plausible than the second, which is absurd. Therefore, self ownershipand property exist.I assume this is an example of “argumentation ethics”–exploring the implications of ideas. If this is not argumentation ethics, I would be interested in learning why not. Assuming this to be an instance of argumentation ethics, my criticism stands: First, there is a third possibility that Rothbard ignored in his analysis of “two mutually exclusive propositions”; this third possibility is that, as Mises and Hayek and Friedman and most other neo-classical economists contend, objective normative standards do not exist. (I think they do exist, but Rothbard failed to prove that they exist.)

    Second, it is clear that in this example of Rothbard’s argumentation ethics, Rothbard assumed that which he set out to prove: namely that ethical principles, in his example the principle of property ownership, exist.

    Third, in Rothbard’s analysis that purports to demonstrate the absurdity of any proposition that denies self ownership, he fails to define what exactly ethical principles ARE: What purpose do they serve? Why must one observe them? Where do they come? What the hell ARE THEY? (I’m not shouting in caps; I’m seeking emphasis to convey a point that I seem unable to communicate effectively.)

    I don’t understand this statement of yours: A-E elaborates on these undeniable presuppositions of argumentation, which include a value of reason and truth, peaceful cooperation, homesteading of previously un-owned resources, survival, and acknowledgment of the necessity of universalizable propositions”. I don’t think that argumentation presupposes homesteading, cooperation, or any of the values you mention, other than reason and truth.

    If you present me with a short argument from your ethics, I’ll be glad to explain why I think it fails to prove what you believe it proves. If you can demonstrate that I’m wrong about all this, I’ll be happy to learn.

    To Chip Smith: Your comment suggests you’re defending subjectivity and dismissing objectivity as a “phantom opiate”? What on earth is “capital O Objectivity”? And I forget what deontological means.

    If I read you correctly, your comment is a case study in self-refuting absurdities. A few thousand years ago, Aristotle explained the objectivity inherent in the law of identity, and demonstrated beautifully and clearly that everyone assumes the validity of the law of identity when they speak, or point, or even move. They do so even when they claim that Objectivity is “a phantom opiate”.

    If I have misunderstood or unintentionally twisted the meaning of your comment, I’m sorry.

    By Objectivity, do you mean the philosophy of Objectivism?

    We need ethics because we are conceptually thinking, choosing, acting creatures. This observation doesn’t stem from some profound spiritual experience that transcends explanation; its simply commonsense. We need the principles of ethics to live well.

  • Published: August 19, 2007 1:59 PM

  • Anthony
  • Mark, no, Rothbard’s argument is not argumentation ethics. It’s a demonstration that individual self-ownership alone is logical amongst other alternatives. Argumentation ethics uses the concept, but expands upon it. I am sure Paul will elaborate better than i can.
  • Published: August 19, 2007 5:58 PM

  • TGGP
  • “What ought to be is an aspect of that which is.”
    What the hell does that mean? You can get a lot of “is” just by observing, where does any “ought” come in?I believe by “capital O”, Chip was referring to Ayn Rand’s philosophy of Objectivism.
  • Published: August 19, 2007 6:20 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Anthony: If the example from Rothbard is not argumentation ethics, it is an argument made both by Rothbard and by Hans Herman Hoppe in “Democracy: the God that failed”, if my memory serves.It seems odd that no one on this thread addresses the weakness in the argument, namely that it posits as mutually exclusive two alternatives; in fact, there is a third imnportant alternative that, if ackowleged, destroys the validity of the argument.An ethical nihilist would not be logically compelled to concede libertarian self ownership by arguing that ethics does not exist objectively. For example, if a nihilist acknowleged the existence of property by arguing that A posseses or holds title to B, he has acknowleged ownership in a descriptive rather than in a normative sense. The nihilist might affirm that he cares fervently about his own possessions, and his mother’s possessions; but deny that if another takes his possessions, or his mother’s, that injustice occurred. The nihilist might argue that there’s no injustice because there’s no such thing as justice, a normative standard, in the world. There are only individual subjective preferences, that each of us acts to realize as we, automan-like, act out our value scales.

    Up to a point, I sympathize with Austrian efforts to infer broad natural laws, such as the moral value of private property, from the nature of axioms. However, it’s rather a stretch to identify private property as morally good, meaning in this context objectively valuable and morally defendable, without first establishing the nature of the good, why good and bad exist, what exactly good and bad mean.

    Austrian attempts to defend private property skip over such questions entirely. I might employ a
    broadly similar philosophical approach if I were to argue, for example, that anthropological global warming is all Blarney (it is!) because carbon, the same chemical contained in Co2, is the essential building block to all forms of life!

  • Published: August 19, 2007 7:05 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • TGGP: I am greatly relieved to read that Chris meant only to disparage Ayn Rand’s philosophy. Such criticism is common–typical even–among Rothbardian libertarians, who usually leave me with the impression that they do not understand Rand’s ideas. I would be really concerned if Chris were actually a subjectivist, uncertain, for example, as to whether or not he exists.There’s no way I can effectively explain what my sentence meant, in context, application, definition, proof, etc., without writing an essay about ethics.Briefly, the class of facts that are moral and ethical principles are implicit in the nature of reality, including especially the nature of man. Man’s nature requires him to live by choosing (volitionally) to try to think things through to make good choices and take appropriate action.

    Man’s reasoning powers consist of forming and integrating concepts, on the foundation of the evidence of the senses, using logic across every step of the process. Because knowlege is a logically integrated hierarchy of increasingly abstract concepts, man’s knowlege is, of necessity, built around the discovery of principles. Principles integrate all of man’s concepts, on the basis of deductions or inferrences from less abstract concepts.

    Without principles, human knowlege would not be possible; each new idea would remain logically disintegrated, out of context, unproven, in relation to other ideas. So principles are essential to man’s ability to think, to learn, and to live. Principles of ethics guide man through the challenge of making good choices consistent with the unique requirements of human life.

    In summary, when man chooses to live in ways congruent with his nature, his choices are good. Thus, moral values are implicit in the nature of man. So what man ought to do is an aspect of the nature of what is, meaning the nature of reality and human nature.

  • Published: August 19, 2007 7:48 PM

  • TokyoTom
  • Stephan, in your haste to jump down my throat, you conveniently neglected to address the comments in my second post (starting “Stephan and Anthony:”.Go ahead and construct a libertarian edifice, but don’t ignore that it relates to those peculiar clannish critters called humans, and must sit in the context of a continued struggle over resources between individual, groups and societies.TT
  • Published: August 19, 2007 10:58 PM

  • Stephan Kinsella
  • TT, “Stephan, in your haste to jump down my throat, you conveniently neglected to address the comments in my second post (starting “Stephan and Anthony:”.Go ahead and construct a libertarian edifice, but don’t ignore that it relates to those peculiar clannish critters called humans, and must sit in the context of a continued struggle over resources between individual, groups and societies.”I didn’t “jump down your throat”; I simply disagree with you.

    YOu had written previously:

    Stephan and Anthony: My point is that your analysis is missing a grounding in the history/evolution of man’s possession and use of resources. Life itself is a struggle for resources and in the past, resources were most effectively acquired and protected by groups, not by individuals acting on the basis of recognized indivudual rights.

     

    Those groups that most effectively controlled and made productive use of resources gradually have won out against other groups in these ongoing resource struggles – largely societies that internally have controlled tragedy of the commons and rent-seeking problems by establishing rules of ownership. This historical result is not proof that “the very idea of “ownership” implies that only libertarian principles are justifiable”, but simply that these principles help societies to function more smoothly and productively than societies without them.

    But you see, I do not agree with you. You think it just obviously follows from your proposed history of humankind that ownership does not imply the libertarian principles. But it does not follow at all. Your commments, it seems to me, are utterly irrelevant to what I’ve said about what is implied in the notion of ownership. You really seem to fail to distinguish between is and ought–which you seem to admit when you later say that “‘Might makes right,’ so to speak” (though I admit I can’t tell whether you’re endorsing this notion or not, or trying to limit it to the “international sphere”). What is amazing is you don’t even seem to realize how your collectivist positivism is not compatible with libertarianism. Or maybe you do, and are not even a libertarian at all–is that the case? I thought we were having an intra-libertarian discussion here, not debating socialists.

    The self-serving assertion that “I own this” implies not that only libertarian principles are justifiable, but that one hopes that others will decline to contest that claim, backed perhaps by clear and impartialially enfrceable rules of law.

    I said that the very concept of ownership implies the libertarian notion, not “merely asserting it”. It is very simple, TT: ownership means more than mere possession. Whoever the owner is, he is entitled not to have his property taken from him by force by some latecomer. That is inherent in the idea of ownership. If the latecomer is entitled to become the new owner merely by taking the thing from a previous owner, then we don’t have ownership, but merely might-makes-right possession. So from this simple idea that the latecomer does not acquire ownership by merely taking the thing from a previous possessor-owner, you can see a regression-type argument all the way back to the first homesteader. It’s beautiful.

     

  • Published: August 20, 2007 7:37 AM

  • TGGP
  • In summary, when man chooses to live in ways congruent with his nature, his choices are good.
    It sounds like you are committing the naturalistic fallacy here. Just because it is my nature to kill, rape and steal does not make any of those actions “good”.I was surprised to see this i.p address is still banned. I’d thank God for proxies if I believed in him.
  • Published: August 20, 2007 12:15 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • To TGGP: Since human beings have mental capabilities that are volitional, they have the ability to cause their actions through choice. Their choices may be good or bad, benevolent or murderous, courageous or craven. The character of the choices people make has a great deal to do with the level of conscientious and effort they bring to the challenge of life.Because people sometimes commit wrongful acts, it might be tempting to conclude that people are by nature vicious. Or one might conclude that people have an indeterminate nature, because one never knows what choices other people will make. If people are vicious by nature, or if people have no clear nature, as contemporary philosophers claim, then the idea that ethics are choices that properly reflect one’s nature doesn’t make much sense. Of course, this conclusion would still leave unanswered the question: what is the source and nature of ethics?However, it is clear that people are equiped by nature to think and choose; and it is incontrovertible that people must live by the proper exercise of this ability. This is human nature. It follows, therefore, that the choices people make have consequences for the character of their lives. Good chocies seek normative values, values that uphold and advance the kind of life, that for human beings, is normal.

    What kind of life is normal for human beings? To begin, a life that is directed by a continual effort to be rational; that is, to be in firm and clear contact with the facts of reality. Rationality is a cardinal virtue, because it is fundamentally necessary to the challenge of living. One must choose to act in order to live, but if one fails to identify and understand facts, how can one choose properly? Rationality is also the cardinal virtue, because it is necessary to the fullfillment of all other virtues, such as honesty, productivity, integrity, generosity, etc.

    The profound insight of classical liberalism, which flowed from the values and insights of the Enlightenment, is that there is a natural harmony of interests among men who are reasonable. The idea of a natural and benevolent harmony of interests is essential to free market economics, which explains why the division of labor, the free price system, and free competition naturally produce a great outpouring of abundance that showers its benefits on everyone, rich and poor.

    Clearly, if man’s natural state were murder, rape, and pillage, a free market would be incapable of delivering the benefits of social cooperation to anyone.

  • Published: August 20, 2007 2:24 PM

  • ktibuk
  • “”What ought to be is an aspect of that which is.”
    What the hell does that mean? You can get a lot of “is” just by observing, where does any “ought” come in?”You ought to eat if you want to live.An ought by observation.

    If you value life as the ultimate source of value “ought” is infact the same thing as “is”.

    Ethics aren’t really that complicated once you decide whether to live or die.

    The one thing you can’t say in objectivist ethics is, “you ought to live”. Everyone must choose tha path themselves. Ethics come after that main decision.

  • Published: August 20, 2007 3:13 PM

  • TGGP
  • Mark Humphrey, you talk of Man and his nature rather than the many men and their different, constantly changing natures. For some men that nature is to kill, rape and steal (I say that because they do it). You say that it is good to be normal. Most people are not libertarians; they are statists. Is libertarianism therefore immoral and statism good? Among the Yanomamo people it is murder, rape and theft are normal and proclivity and success in such activities are the among the primary determinants in evolutionarily defined fitness. Can they then say our culture is immoral, or we that theirs is? I will speak ill of their culture, because I dislike it, just as I will speak ill of popular music today or pickled liver. I answer the question “what is the source and nature of ethics?” with “subjective taste”.If you value life as the ultimate source of value
    Life does not have objective value. Chip may have his anti-natalist/pro-mortalist position and “the party of death” theirs. I do not value the lives of bacteria that infect me, and an alien civilization that viewed humanity analogously to how I view bacteria could not be convinced it is immoral to use something like anti-biotics (see how even rationality can lead to “anti-life” results) against us.
    “ought” is infact the same thing as “is”.
    Sounds like the naturalistic fallacy, enshrining the status quo as moral.
  • Published: August 20, 2007 4:21 PM

  • TokyoTom
  • Stephan, let me see if I can make myself any clearer.I recognize that libertarians accept the “first-use (Lockean homesteading) rule as the only objective, fair, rational principle for allocating property rights”, and the distinction you draw between mere possession and ownership. This is fine with me.My chief point was simply that such distinctions and principles do not, in fact represent the real world, which has always been and still remains one of a constant struggle over resources, where possession may be clear but ownership (as a recognized entitlement) is not something that is universally accepted – either within or outside of the US. Thus we still have to face a “might makes right” struggle (to use the words in your initial post), where what really matters is one’s ability to defend resources.

    Regards, TT

  • Published: August 21, 2007 8:09 AM

  • Stephan Kinsella
  • TT:

    I recognize that libertarians accept the “first-use (Lockean homesteading) rule as the only objective, fair, rational principle for allocating property rights”, and the distinction you draw between mere possession and ownership. This is fine with me.

     

    My chief point was simply that such distinctions and principles do not, in fact represent the real world,

    What does this mean, that the principle does not “represent the real world”?

    What if I said, “you should not commit murder.” Does this principle “represent the real world,” or does it not?

    I think it does neither; it is not meant to “represent” the real world. It is not descriptive; it is prescriptive. Do you not see the difference between is and ought, fact and value, description and prescription?

    which has always been and still remains one of a constant struggle over resources, where possession may be clear but ownership (as a recognized entitlement) is not something that is universally accepted – either within or outside of the US. Thus we still have to face a “might makes right” struggle (to use the words in your initial post), where what really matters is one’s ability to defend resources.

    You again are conflating different things. You seem to think that the fact that rights are not automatically enforced, that oughts are not always followed, has some relevance. Of course some people can, and will, disregard–act contrary to–moral laws and rules. So what? For them, of cousre we need practical techniques. For example, people tend to put locks on the doors of their homes. The fact that locks are used does not mean that burglars are not immoral. I think you are just confusing different realms of inquiry. If you are merely trying to state the obvious–that we need to find ways to defend against criminals–well, okay.

     

  • Published: August 21, 2007 9:14 AM

  • Anthony
  • I think Stephan gave a good response. Ultimately, we are talking about different things – about prescriptive norms on the one hand and how to implement these on the other. The two realms are hardly mutually exclusive, and the latter must be guided by the former, to establish a teleological approach.
  • Published: August 21, 2007 9:48 AM

  • Jean Paul
  • Exactly. You can’t solve a problem if you don’t fully understand it. And the problem isn’t just, “how do we resolve the many conflicts in the world today?”The problem is actually “how do we resolve the many conflicts in the world today, in a morally permissible way?”The distinction is lost on moral relativists, but of almost paralyzing importance to objectivists. Hence the extreme relevance of discussions like these.
  • Published: August 21, 2007 10:27 AM

  • Jean Paul
  • …small-o objectivists of course…
  • Published: August 21, 2007 10:29 AM

  • Paul Edwards
  • Mark Humphrey,”Prof. Hans Hoppe, a fairly recent immigrant from West Germany, has brought an enormous gift to the American libertarian movement. In a dazzling breakthrough for political philosophy in general and for libertarianism in particular, he has managed to transcend the famous is/ought, fact/value dichotomy that has plagued philosophy since the days of the scholastics, and that had brought modern libertarianism into a tiresome deadlock. Not only that: Hans Hoppe has managed to establish the case for anarcho-capitalist-Lockean rights in an unprecedentedly hardcore manner, one that makes my own natural law/natural rights position seem almost wimpy in comparison.”M.N. Rothbard.

    http://hanshoppe.com/publications/liberty_symposium.pdf

    When I speak of Argumentation Ethics, I am always thinking of Hans Hoppe’s explication of it. With that as the framing, my further comments are below.

    M: In “Man Economy and State”, Murray Rothbard wrote about his proof for “self ownership”, to along the following lines: There are two mutually exclusive alternatives: either everyone owns themselves, and by extension their own products and achievements; or everyone owns everyone else, together with their products and achievements, but not themselves. Clearly, the first of the two alternatives is more plausible than the second, which is absurd. Therefore, self ownershipand property exist.

    M: I assume this is an example of “argumentation ethics”–exploring the implications of ideas. If this is not argumentation ethics, I would be interested in learning why not. Assuming this to be an instance of argumentation ethics, my criticism stands: First, there is a third possibility that Rothbard ignored in his analysis of “two mutually exclusive propositions”; this third possibility is that, as Mises and Hayek and Friedman and most other neo-classical economists contend, objective normative standards do not exist. (I think they do exist, but Rothbard failed to prove that they exist.)

    P: Mises had been known to write something to the following effect: That which promotes peace and cooperation is just and in keeping with justice. That which tends to disrupt peace and cooperation is unjust. Therefore, I would argue that Mises had an objective concept of social justice in mind. When he made these observations, he did not mean “maybe”. On this basis it is my contention that implied in what Mises calls justice, is a justifiable ethic. This is a set of social norms which can be objectively or intersubjectively agreed on which will, in fact, promote peace. This is in fact, the bedrock on which capitalism and the free market rests. There is no possibility that peace can be achieved without an agreement on normative standards.

    P: Therefore, if our goal is to promote peace and allow for conflict avoidance, we must agree to adopt a set of social norms which is in keeping with this objective. Mises apparently thought this was possible and necessary; Hoppe has demonstrated a proof confirming it is.

    M: Second, it is clear that in this example of Rothbard’s argumentation ethics, Rothbard assumed that which he set out to prove: namely that ethical principles, in his example the principle of property ownership, exist.

    P: The argument is not that they exist, but rather that they are required to allow for peace, and that no other contradictory ethical principles can be justified. The starting point is to recognize that we wish to live in peace, and we wish to discuss how to do so. Those who do not share this interest are logically excluded from the discussion on the topic, because, for one thing, discussions and argumentations presuppose an appreciation and acknowledgment of the need for peace.

    P: I view the issue as two part. The first is in landing on and asserting what is actually not really all that contentious: That is that the libertarian ethic: self-ownership, homesteading, production combining homesteaded property with one’s labor, and voluntary contracting between property holders are THE means of allowing for survival, conflict avoidance and peaceful cooperation.

    P: The second part is to recognize that recognizing the truth – or falsehood – in this proposition must be done via argumentation. It is here that we recognize that it is argumentation itself which logically presupposes the very thing we are striving to attain: peace and cooperation with the avoidance of conflict. Once we recognize this, all there is to do is to show that these above propositions are true, false, incomplete, or whatever. And the other thing to do is to recognizing that any propositions that lead to conflict, or in any other way contradict the presuppositions of argumentation, are an invalid contradiction.

    M: Third, in Rothbard’s analysis that purports to demonstrate the absurdity of any proposition that denies self ownership, he fails to define what exactly ethical principles ARE: What purpose do they serve? Why must one observe them? Where do they come? What the hell ARE THEY? (I’m not shouting in caps; I’m seeking emphasis to convey a point that I seem unable to communicate effectively.)

    P: The goal of an ethic is to allow for conflict avoidance. To present a set of social norms and rules which allow us to intersubjectively ascertain who owns what scarce and valuable resources, and therefore who has a right to exclusive control over them. A valid ethic allows us, in principle, to know at every given moment what each of us has a right to do and with what.

    M: I don’t understand this statement of yours: A-E elaborates on these undeniable presuppositions of argumentation, which include a value of reason and truth, peaceful cooperation, homesteading of previously un-owned resources, survival, and acknowledgment of the necessity of universalizable propositions”.

    P: What I really meant, if I managed to neglect to mention it, is that Hoppe’s elaboration of Argumentation Ethics elaborates on these presuppositions. If you reflect on this question, you will agree. The question is this: How do you both survive, and avoid conflict? The application of the above principles answers the question adequately. If there are others, add away. But those are believed to be the long and the short of it. Many other principles violate these and lead to conflict or prevent our survival. Those cannot be justified on those grounds alone.

    M: I don’t think that argumentation presupposes homesteading, cooperation, or any of the values you mention, other than reason and truth.

    P: But it does implicitly and here is how: it presupposes freedom to argue – a right to argue – and to apply only the force of reason, cooperatively, rather than physical violence against the other’s person, to arrive at a truthful conclusion. And it presupposes survival, yet it presupposes peace. The right to homesteading is an integral part of this as it is plain to see that if no one has the right to appropriate things in nature to one’s self, that death is close at hand. And homesteading allows for such appropriations conflict free – and conflict avoidance is another requirement. Clearly homesteading must be a part of a valid ethic that allows both survival and conflict avoidance. Similarly voluntary cooperation is the logical essence of an argumentation, as it is also the goal of an ethic. Before one sets out to apply reason to land on the truth, one implicitly assumes the activity will be peaceful and cooperative – not physically violent and void of threats of coercion.

    M: If you present me with a short argument from your ethics, I’ll be glad to explain why I think it fails to prove what you believe it proves. If you can demonstrate that I’m wrong about all this, I’ll be happy to learn.

    P: Let me know how I did. I do recommend Hoppe on the topic though. His discussion on it is better than mine.

  • Published: August 21, 2007 3:07 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • To TGGP: The idea of a normal human life can be confusing, because humans determine the moral character of their lives through free will.Still, there is a real objective standard implied in human nature as to what a normal or proper human life is. A proper human life is one that fullfills the individual’s potential for self actualization and achievement, in accordance with his nature as a human, and in accordance with his uniqueness as an individual. One can look around and see people who develope their abilities and confidence, their success and happiness, to a high degree; or to an abysmally low degree. Some write great books and marry happily, or found great companies and enrich their experience with friendships and love; others lead morally impoverished lives burdoned by tragedy partly or mostly of their own choosing; some even kill themselves out of despair. A proper or normal human life is one that has succeeded in fullfilling its potential; one that achieves success and happiness by the proper use of volitional reasoning and self discipline.Again, that which is natural to an individual of a species is that which fullfills the potential of that species. A red, juicy, healthy apple is proper, a good apple; a diseased, shrunken, worm-ridden apple is an abnormal apple, a bad apple. In the case of apples or horses or elm trees, the causes that produce good or bad specimans is not volitional; the causes are outside the control of the bad apple or stunted tree. But for human beings, a good measure–but certainly not all–of the character of an individual’s life is under his volitional control. Of course, people who grow up under terrible abusive circumstances have less volitional freedom than their luckier bretheren.

    If you’re a subjectivist, TGGP, and if you decide to think carefully and long about the implications of that position (no disrespect intended, here), I am willing to bet you’ll discover big inconsistencies of that position with your own experience in life, and with your own attitudes about what is proper in life. For example, when was the last time you blamed or congratulated someone?

  • Published: August 21, 2007 3:49 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Paul Edwards: Thanks for your comments; I will read carefully and respond, perhaps tonight.
  • Published: August 21, 2007 3:52 PM

  • TGGP
  • The idea of a normal human life can be confusing, because humans determine the moral character of their lives through free will.
    I don’t believe in free-will.One can look around and see people who develope their abilities and confidence, their success and happiness, to a high degree
    Like Bill Clinton or Robert Mugabe?others lead morally impoverished lives burdoned by tragedy partly or mostly of their own choosing
    Are there not people who lead “morally impoverished” lives with no tragedy and people who lead blameless but tragic lives?

    Again, that which is natural to an individual of a species is that which fullfills the potential of that species.
    If I use nanobots and steroids to create an artificial apple that is redder, plumper and juicier than any apple that has ever before existed, is that then “natural”? You should also recognize that disease and death are “natural” and that since they are possible they must be considered “potentials”, and it is no more objective to describe their potential as “fulfilled” when they have one outcome than another. We should also not deny that diseases and other parasites fulfill their potential at the expense of others!

    If you’re a subjectivist, TGGP, and if you decide to think carefully and long about the implications of that position (no disrespect intended, here), I am willing to bet you’ll discover big inconsistencies of that position
    I do not believe in any normative truths that could conflict with anything. I have thought long on it and have not discovered what you believe I would.

    your own attitudes about what is proper in life.
    I regard those as subjective preferences, just as my tastes in food, music and movies are.

    For example, when was the last time you blamed or congratulated someone?
    I will blame and congratulate when I think doing so will lead to results I desire.

  • Published: August 21, 2007 7:34 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Paul, Thanks for your comments; I don’t agree. I wrote a lengthy post, then lost it somehow. So I’ll make my remarks brief.You offer no proof that your premises about ethics are true. You want them to be true, but you haven’t proven them to be true. For example, you assert that peace is the ultimate standard of ethical principles, i.e. ethics is rules designed to achieve peace. But why? Many people want peace, but they consider that value less important than environmentalism, or getting Hitler or Saddam, or redistributing other people’s money. Why should they prefer peace to ending global warming?You state that ethics exists to avoid conflicts. But why? Many people seek conflict, for political and personal goals. Perhaps they don’t like the costs associated with conflict, but they like the results, when they win. Often, they think–and they’re right–that conflict is necessary to their pursuit of certain values. One can show that those values are warped–are non-values–but not by positing that the purpose of ethics is to spare people conflict. This idea doesn’t explain where ethics comes from, and why it applies to everyone, even if they don’t understand that ethics is objectively real.

    Your assertions about my speaking implying freedom to speak doesn’t follow logically. If I hold up a married couple at night in their home, and demand to see the contents of their safe, my speaking this ddemand certainly does not presuppose my value of freedom, or peace, or the avoidance of conflict.

    I like your observation that without objective–that means capable of being proven through reason–moral values, normative standards, people could never avoid conflicts. Ayn Rand wrote a great essay: “The Roots of War”, wherein she explains why people must uphold reason as man’s only proper means of acquiring knowlege, objective normative standards are not possible. Without reason, no ultimate epistemological standard
    eexists for people to determine what is knowlege and what is unfounded fantasy or belief.

    TCCP: If we lack free will, there is no point in discussing anything. For the idea of proof, of evidence, or logic, of KNOWLEGE, all presuppose the ability of the thinker to distinguish between truth and falsehood.

  • Published: August 24, 2007 4:40 PM

  • Anthony
  • Two points:1) The point of AE is that no _ethic_ contrary to the libertarian ethic can be argumentatively justified (whereby ethic we mean a set of rules for avoiding conflict over scarce resources.)2) You’re speaking that demand does already contain an implicit premise: you assert ownership over yourself. But this isn’t argumentation in the first place. This is not a peaceful pursuit of the truth, would you not agree?
  • Published: August 24, 2007 5:30 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Anthony: I think I understand argumentation ethics, which sets out to demonstrate that one implicitly assumes an idea that one asserts is false, in the process of asserting that idea. This approach works in any denial of existence, or in any argument that man lacks free will. Clealy, one must exist to deny existence. Just as clearly, one must possess the mental capability of distinguishing between facts and illusions to argue that one lacks the ability to make those distinctions (i.e. that one lacks free will).Now to state that Jones implicitly asserts his right to speak, or to live, in the process of making a peaceful argument to another person raises difficulties that do not exist in the two examples I suggested above.The first problem is that, as you concede in your comment, no one demonstrates by argumentation ethics that ethical principles exist. For argumentation ethics only seeks to establish the contradictions in other “non-libertarian” ethical rules. But if no ethical principles existed in
    the first place, by what reasonable criteria would one protest the imposition of a dictatorship? By what reasonable criteria would one argue that environmentalist policy that creates human suffering for the sake of “nature” is wrong? True, political collectivists cannot prove that their hegemony is just, but that hasn’t stopped them in the past. Our only means of turning back statism is to demonstrate that statism is morally wrong. AE doesn’t accomplish that.

    A second difficulty with AE is that it doesn’t prove that one affirms the existence of “libertarian ethics” by the act of living, or speaking, or possessing property, or defending oneself from attack by another. What those actions implicitly demonstrate is that one chooses to live, or speak, or etc. The actions demonstrate nothing beyond this preference. The actions do not prove that one “should” live, or speak, or etc.

    A third problem resides in the phrase “peaceful argumentation”. This phrase refers, I assume, to talk aimed at persuading another. But the talker doesn’t affirm natural rights by talking. How could he possibly do so? The thinker who imagines that the talker has affirmed natural rights cannot define the identity, or source, or nature of the principle he claims the talker is implicitly affirming!

    A fourth problem is the notion that by speaking, one thereby asserts “ownership” over oneself. This is meaningless, because it confuses and merges together two entirely distinct uses of the term “ownership”. The first use refers to possession descriptively, but non-normatively; without regard to ethical considerations. The second use refers to an ethical norm; one is justified in possession. But recognizing that a human being may think and act of his own initiative does not establish that his doing so is “just”. For what is “libertarian justice”? Thinking and acting of one’s own initiative. Why? No answer is given.

  • Published: August 25, 2007 2:26 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Anthony:One last comment about AE. One can easily prove that various kinds of collectivist “rights” or “duties” are bunk. For such rights and duties are never proven, and in fact are asserted by thinkers who attack reason at its philosophical roots. But if reason were somehow deficient or misleading, then all “facts” would be flawed, including facts about ethics. Collectivists always assert knowlege about ethics and politics by some form of revalation, divine or secular.So “argumentation ethics” is not necessary to proving that collectivist ethical claims are unproven and riddled with contradictions. Anyone who is willing to think about collectivism can identify the absurdities. However, most people don’t think, not because they’re stupid, but because they passively believe what they’ve been taught, that one must not trust reason. One must trust Authority.

    To make sense of ethics, there are no shortcuts to understanding. That implies understanding of why objective moral values exist, why people need moral values (including someone stranded on a desert island, where no other people live), why moral values are a requirement for human living.

    In his book on ethics, Rothbard admits that he doesn’t deal with underlying problems of moral philosophy. Rothbard tried to skip over those problems to establish “libertarian ethics” justifying private property. He failed in this endeavor.

  • Published: August 25, 2007 2:43 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • Mark,M: Paul, Thanks for your comments; I don’t agree. I wrote a lengthy post, then lost it somehow. So I’ll make my remarks brief.My pleasure, more below.

    M: You offer no proof that your premises about ethics are true. You want them to be true, but you haven’t proven them to be true. For example, you assert that peace is the ultimate standard of ethical principles, i.e. ethics is rules designed to achieve peace. But why? Many people want peace, but they consider that value less important than environmentalism, or getting Hitler or Saddam, or redistributing other people’s money. Why should they prefer peace to ending global warming?

    Ok, why indeed should they not prefer anything at all over peace? After all, it is also true that your common criminal obviously has at least a few priorities that trump in his mind, the goal of peace and justice. Why should his ethic as well as any other not prevail either? We do need an answer.

    The answer is this: none of any of these other ethics can be justified. So see if you can agree with me here: whatever ethic you wish to propose or suggest, you’re going to have to propose or suggest it, and also defend it; and each of these can only be done via argumentation. So as long as you agree that an ethic is about a set of normative rules of social interaction, and this is what we agree we will discuss, it immediately becomes apparent that we must and implicitly will adopt and agree to some fundamental normative rules if only to discuss what normative rules we wish to agree to. You see where i’m going already, I think. What does and must argumentation presuppose? Do you not agree that it is and must be a cooperative undertaking involving the peaceful interaction of at least two people who are and logically must be pursuing truth and valid conclusions based on reason and logic and necessarily not by threat of force? And that this is to say that argumentation presupposes precisely the ethic that I claim is the purpose of an ethic in the first place?

    So we recognize that argumentation itself logically presupposes a set of rules of interaction that are peaceful, and it presupposes the use of logic and universalizability of propositions. Yet on top of this, argumentation is a practical affair, meaning it also presupposes survival. All propositions that come out of argumentation must logically be consistent with these presuppositions or they are a dialectical contradiction and therefore invalid.

    So then what status does all this render the fight for say, coercive egalitarianism? It cannot be justified on several fronts. It violates private property, which is demonstrated to be a presupposition of peaceful survival, a presupposition of argumentation. It violates the following: self-ownership: it claims to be able to partially enslave some to the advantage of others. Homesteading: it claims latecomers to have an arbitrary claim on the first user’s property. Contract: it destroys the nature of contract which stipulates that both parties to an agreement must be voluntarily participating. Finally, it violates the other peaceful mode of survival we know: that only those who add their own labor to their own property own the property that results. In short, egalitarianism violates the fundamental presuppositions of argumentation. It cannot be justified.

    M: You state that ethics exists to avoid conflicts. But why? Many people seek conflict, for political and personal goals. Perhaps they don’t like the costs associated with conflict, but they like the results, when they win. Often, they think–and they’re right–that conflict is necessary to their pursuit of certain values. One can show that those values are warped–are non-values–but not by positing that the purpose of ethics is to spare people conflict. This idea doesn’t explain where ethics comes from, and why it applies to everyone, even if they don’t understand that ethics is objectively real.

    Yes. You are describing the psychology of the politician, the thief, murderer, socialist, rapist and the mob under the influence of democratic mentality. Their disregard for peaceful cooperation and justice is not really relevant to the question. The question is what rules can be justified. As I described above, the rules that can be justified are only the rules that are consistent with the rules logically and necessarily assumed during argumentation – the only act that gives us a chance to attempt to justify our rules of social conduct.

    M: Your assertions about my speaking implying freedom to speak doesn’t follow logically. If I hold up a married couple at night in their home, and demand to see the contents of their safe, my speaking this ddemand certainly does not presuppose my value of freedom, or peace, or the avoidance of conflict.

    My assertions are not in regard to speaking in general, or threats, or even making verbal sounds that are incomprehensible to others. My assertions are in regard specifically to argumentation, which is both logically, and practically a cooperative matter of applying logic in the pursuit of truthful conclusions. If one intends to persuade by the force of logic, then he necessarily cannot be threatening.

    M: I like your observation that without objective–that means capable of being proven through reason–moral values, normative standards, people could never avoid conflicts. Ayn Rand wrote a great essay: “The Roots of War”, wherein she explains why people must uphold reason as man’s only proper means of acquiring knowlege, objective normative standards are not possible. Without reason, no ultimate epistemological standard eexists for people to determine what is knowlege and what is unfounded fantasy or belief.

    I think that the missing key that AE provides is that argumentation demonstrates the arguer’s logical acknowledgment of the value of the libertarian ethic. From there, reason dictates not only that such an ethic is exclusively justified, but that it is the ethic that all those who wish to justify their actions should follow.

  • Published: August 25, 2007 5:55 PM

  • Anthony
  • Great answer Paul.
  • Published: August 25, 2007 6:24 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • That is very kind of you to say, thank-you Anthony.
  • Published: August 26, 2007 2:08 AM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • It is not always a good thing to be superficial”I don’t think Rothbard, or Hoppe or Kinsella will be able to persuade Mr. Mugabe and those like him. Since those least prone to respecting the property of others are the biggest problems, I think it would be sensible for libertarians to devote more time to considering how to deal with them rather than ethical philosophers.”Why “deal with them” if they could not ethically be proven to be doing anything wrong? Without any ethical norms we could not really tell why we should “deal with them” in the first place.

    Secondly, the world is ruled by ideas. If we understand this we have laid a foundation for change. If we do not understand it people like Mr. Mugabe will be powerful. To argue that this is not so is contradictious as this is an idea itself.

    How could “libertarians devote more time considering how to deal with them” if ideas are powerless”? How to consider something and make a conclusion if it is not allowed to be an idea?

    Does anyone really doubt the influence that Karl Marx’s ideas once had (and still have)? Or religious believes? Does it not exist people who believe in the principle of democracy? Is the concept of democracy powerless or powerful in today’s world?

    Wouldn’t the world be different if most of the adults believed in a libertarian ethic from a world in which most of the adults believed in Nazism?

    Did Marxists try to convince John D. Rockefeller of the rightfulness of Marxism or did they try to get support elsewhere? Why should libertarians be any different in this regard and try to convince criminals like Mr. Mugabe of the rightfulness of justice?

    Apart from this I would also like to mention that I believe that very foundation for cooperation among people is that they gain by cooperating and not because of “tribal sentiments”. I think Mises was correct in believing this.

    From the book Human Action, by Ludwig von Mises:

    “Within the frame of social cooperation there can emerge between members of society feelings of sympathy and friendship and a sense of belonging together. These feelings are the source of man’s most delightful and most sublime experiences. They are the most precious adornment of life; they lift the animal species man to the heights of a really human existence. However, they are not, as some have asserted, the agents that have brought about social relationships. They are fruits of social cooperation, they thrive only within its frame; they did not precede the establishment of social relations and are not the seed from which they spring.

    The fundamental facts that brought about cooperation, society, and civilization and transformed the animal man into a human being are the facts that work performed under the division of labor is more productive than isolated work and that man’s reason is capable of recognizing this truth. But for these facts men would have forever remained deadly foes of one another, irreconcilable rivals in their endeavors to secure a portion of the scarce supply of means of sustenance provided by nature. Each man would have been forced to view all other men as his enemies; his craving for the satisfaction of his own appetites would have brought him into an implacable conflict with all his neighbors. No sympathy could possibly develop under such a state of affairs.”

    http://www.mises.org/humanaction/chap8sec1.asp#p143

    From history we cannot either derive objective property rights, only logics can. “Communal systems” and “collective ownership” can be justified as much as individual ownership as long as they remain voluntarily arrangements and are derived from a libertarian ethic.

     

  • Published: August 26, 2007 6:19 AM

  • Anthony
  • I still find it amazing that the common charge against libertarians is that we’re extremely atomistic. It indicates a general ignorance of Mises’s writings and of Austrolibertarianism. Perhaps mainstream libertarians are to blame for the image.
  • Published: August 26, 2007 8:19 AM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • I missed this:Stephan Kinsella “Tom, if I read you right, I find the views you are expressing here utterly confused and incorrect. You are making several errors. Eg., you are blaming the victim; equating might with right; etc. TGGP’s point is NOT “well-said”–he is saying that libertarians “will not be able to persuade” certain criminals; and that since this is “the biggest problem,” “it would be sensible for libertarians to devote more time to considering how to deal with them rather than ethical philosophers.” This is so astoundingly stupid I almost do not know how to respond to it. First, it is indeed true that responding to a thug is a technical problem. Why this should be the job of libertarian ethicists is beyond me. Libertarian principles *are directed at ethical people not at criminals*. If you establish there are rights against non-aggression and subsidiary rights to defend or retaliate, then the civilized person who is threatened or victimized by criminals knows he is justified in banding toghether with other civilized people to treat the criminals as technical problems. The comments above betray no awareness of the division of labor.TokyoTom compounds TGGP’s positivistic, nihilistic error when he writes, “You guys want to talk about ethical systems, but what really counts is the ability to defend one’s property.” What ‘really counts”!? For who? For what purpose? You might as well argue that libertarianism is flawed since it does not tell you what kind of lock to put on your house! Ridicoulous.”

    Yes, Stephan you are absolutely right. Their “points” are utterly ridiculous and silly.

  • Published: August 26, 2007 11:36 AM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • Criticism and a replies regarding Hans-Hermann Hoppe´s ethical proof.The Economics and Ethics of Private Property, By Hans-Hermann Hoppe, pages 243 and 244:“Rasmussen is different. He has fewer difficulties recognizing the nature of my argument, but then asks me in turn “So what?” Why should an a priori proof of the libertarian property theory make any difference? Why not engage in aggression anyway? Why indeed?! But then, why should the proof that 1+1=2 make any difference? One certainly can still act on the belief that it was 1+1=3. The obvious answer is “because a propositional justification exists for doing one thing, but not for doing another.” But why should we be reasonable, is the next come-back. Again the answer is obvious: For one thing, because it would be impossible to argue against it; and further, because the proponent raising this question would already affirm the use of reason in his act of questioning it. This still might not suffice and everyone knows that it does not: for even if the libertarian ethic and argumentative reasoning must be regarded as ultimately justified, this still does not preclude that people will act on the basis of unjustified beliefs either because they don’t know, they don’t care, or they prefer not to know. I fail to see why this should be surprising or make the proof somehow defective. More than this cannot be done by propositional argument.

    Rasmussen seems to think that if I could get an “ought” derived from somewhere (something that Yeager claims I am trying to do, though I explicitly denied this), then things would be improved. But this is simply an illusory hope. For even if Rasmussen had proven the proposition that one “ought” to be reasonable and “ought” to act according to the libertarian property ethic this would be just another propositional argument. It could no more assure that people will do what they ought to do than my proof can guarantee that they will do what is justified. So where is the difference; and what is all the fuss about? There is and remains a difference between establishing a truth claim and installing a desire to act upon the truth – with “ought” or without it. It is great, for sure, if a proof can install this desire. But even if it does not, this can hardly be held against it. And it also does not subtract anything from its merit if in some or even many cases a few raw utilitarian assertions prove more successful in persuading of libertarianism than it can do. A proof is still a proof: and socio-psychology remains socio-psychology.”

    Rasmussen. “But why should we be reasonable, is the next come-back.”

    Björn: This “question” could also serve as an “answer” to any argument for anything and why should we not be reasonable?

    Hoppe wrote (see above) that “Rasmussen seems to think that if I could get an “ought” derived from somewhere.”

    Björn: If everyone or at least if most people believed that the proof is a valid proof, it would be almost impossible for governments to act against it and ignore it or should they “argue” “we know that our activity is criminal but we believe it is good for society anyway. We are criminals but so what?”

    In other words, in practise an “is” can, in such a case, therefore be derived to also be an “ought.”

     

  • Published: August 26, 2007 11:52 AM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Paul Edwards: Here is where we begin to disagree:”So as long as you agree that an ethic is about a set of normative rules of social interaction, and this is what we agree we will discuss, it immediately becomes apparent that we must and implicitly will adopt and agree to some fundamental normative rules if only to discuss what normative rules we wish to agree to.”As I have tried to make clear, this staement is false because of logical incoherency. How do I know this? Show me a rule that you contend both parties to a discussion implicitly agree to, and I’ll be happy to show you that both parties need not agree to this “implicit rule”.

    “Do you not agree that it is and must be a cooperative undertaking involving the peaceful interaction of at least two people who are and logically must be pursuing truth and valid conclusions based on reason and logic and necessarily not by threat of force?”

    This is clearly false. Two religious zealots argue about their beliefs about morality and God’s will; each tries to impress upon the other the importance of accepting on faith his fervently held convictions about right and wrong. Their discussion is about ethics, based on faith rather than on reason. Because they reject reason as somehow misleading or “limited” as concerns any inquiry into ultimate issues, they thereby renounce the ultimate and objective standard by which thinking people can acquire knowlege, including answers to highly abstract and difficult questions about what is morally right and wrong. Having renounced the ultimate and objective standard of reason, their disagreements about issues of faith–of God’s will and of proper religious moral doctrine–lead to disputes about how the other should act. These disputes can ultimately be resolved only through violence. Ayn Rand wrote about this idea in her famous essay entitled “The Roots of War”.

    Philosophical shortcuts do not work, because our knowlege is logically integrated. One cannot devise valid rules of “libertarian ethics” without prior careful thinking about the kind of being to which the rules are supposed to apply. In other words, good concepts in ethics must stand on good concepts in personal morality, which stand on good concepts in epistemology (the nature of knowlege), which stand on good concepts in metaphysics (the nature of reality). With no disrespect for Rothbard and Hoppe, they have tried to fashion “axioms” of “libertarian ethics”, built upon a foundation of intellectual neglect.

    Finally, just as there is no “libertarian math” or “libertarian biology”, but only good principles of math or biology; it is non-sensical to write of “libertarian economics” or “libertarian morality”. There is only good or bad economics, valid or false ideas about moral philosophy. Knowlege, including about ethics, doesn’t start with political philosophy, as Rothbard and Hoppe believe. Political philosophy flows logically from prior knowlege in philosophy.

    Religious faith cannot provide this knowlege.

  • Published: August 26, 2007 1:34 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • Mark,M: Paul Edwards: Here is where we begin to disagree:M: “So as long as you agree that an ethic is about a set of normative rules of social interaction, and this is what we agree we will discuss, it immediately becomes apparent that we must and implicitly will adopt and agree to some fundamental normative rules if only to discuss what normative rules we wish to agree to.”

    M: As I have tried to make clear, this staement is false because of logical incoherency. How do I know this? Show me a rule that you contend both parties to a discussion implicitly agree to, and I’ll be happy to show you that both parties need not agree to this “implicit rule”.

    M: “Do you not agree that it is and must be a cooperative undertaking involving the peaceful interaction of at least two people who are and logically must be pursuing truth and valid conclusions based on reason and logic and necessarily not by threat of force?”

    M: This is clearly false. Two religious zealots argue about their beliefs about morality and God’s will; each tries to impress upon the other the importance of accepting on faith his fervently held convictions about right and wrong. Their discussion is about ethics, based on faith rather than on reason.

    If their talk is devoid of reason, then it is not argumentation. It is merely brow-beating and appeal to authority. I will repeat my contention: the logical – logical – and necessary assumption of true argumentation is that we must appeal to reason and the nature of things to support our conclusions. It is irrelevant that people do not do this, or that they have a psychologically different intention in mind when they supposedly argue. A true and valid argument presupposes resort only to facts, logic, and reason. To say that people pretend to do this and yet do not does not alter the fundamental nature and definition of the argument. I am certain that you, for instance, would not acknowledge that you are intentionally invoking anything but reason in your argument to me. And this is as it should be, because you would not otherwise be participating in true argumentation.

    M: Because they reject reason as somehow misleading or “limited” as concerns any inquiry into ultimate issues, they thereby renounce the ultimate and objective standard by which thinking people can acquire knowlege, including answers to highly abstract and difficult questions about what is morally right and wrong. Having renounced the ultimate and objective standard of reason, their disagreements about issues of faith–of God’s will and of proper religious moral doctrine–lead to disputes about how the other should act. These disputes can ultimately be resolved only through violence. Ayn Rand wrote about this idea in her famous essay entitled “The Roots of War”.

    I do not claim that people will necessarily not resort to violence, nor that they necessarily will resort to reason and argumentation and an appeal to justice. All I am contending is that true argumentation which depends on peace and reason towards the pursuit of truth and justice, logically rules out of court the application of violence or the threat of violence to this end. I also contend that it is only through the act of reasoned argumentation that anything at all, including an ethic, can be justified.

    M: Philosophical shortcuts do not work, because our knowlege is logically integrated. One cannot devise valid rules of “libertarian ethics” without prior careful thinking about the kind of being to which the rules are supposed to apply.

    By all means, do this careful thinking and then devise away. My claim is that when you are done, you will agree with HHH and his A-E thesis.

    M: In other words, good concepts in ethics must stand on good concepts in personal morality, which stand on good concepts in epistemology (the nature of knowlege), which stand on good concepts in metaphysics (the nature of reality). With no disrespect for Rothbard and Hoppe, they have tried to fashion “axioms” of “libertarian ethics”, built upon a foundation of intellectual neglect.

    Okie dokie. LOL.

    M: Finally, just as there is no “libertarian math” or “libertarian biology”, but only good principles of math or biology; it is non-sensical to write of “libertarian economics” or “libertarian morality”. There is only good or bad economics, valid or false ideas about moral philosophy. Knowlege, including about ethics, doesn’t start with political philosophy, as Rothbard and Hoppe believe. Political philosophy flows logically from prior knowlege in philosophy.

    Religious faith cannot provide this knowlege.

  • Published: August 26, 2007 2:09 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Paul Edwards: Your comments are excellent, but I think you do not understand my criticism of the Rothbard-Hoppe take on ethics.I’ll take time tomorrow to respond to your interesting comments.
  • Published: August 26, 2007 9:09 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • To Paul Edwards:If two people enter into an argument about how they should conduct themselves with respect to another, and if both look to facts, evidence, and logic as the standard by which they decide this issue, then certain implications can be deduced from their action. These include:
    1) The debaters are alive
    2) The debaters can “think”
    3) The debaters think reason is the proper means of figuring stuff out.Do these implications lead anywhere? I don’t think so. Why not? Because what two particular people happen to think, or how they choose to argue, doesn’t inform us about the particulars of man’s nature. Implications flow, not from the “act” or “choice” of two people engaging in reasoned debate, but from the fact that man is a particular sort of being living in a world that is non-mysterious and intelligible. The particular choice one makes, to argue reasonably, or to play football or pool, or to build bridges or houses, or to steal and murder, doesn’t by itself imply the realm of moral values. Moral values are implied by the fact that man must choose appropriately, in ways congruent with the requirements of his nature, to be able to live a proper life. Moral values are not implied by a particular choice; they’re implied by the fact that man can only live by thinking and choosing.

    But let’s set that issue aside for a moment, and consider the implications of the fact that a person, ANY person, has the natural ability to think properly, i.e. to form concepts based on evidence, facts, and logical integration. Let’s assume that one infers that man has this unique ability from observing himself, and another, in reasoned debate. Several implications follow, including all of moral philosophy. These include: 1) Man is a thinking being, who must choose to risk the effort to think. Thinking and the choice it implies are individual activities.
    2) Therefore one man cannot command the thought processes of another man.
    3) No one can figure anything out, or make choices necessary to living, without reasoning.
    4) Therefore, the kind of thinking one engages in, whether or not one thinks logically and coherently, whether or not one respects facts as such, or chooses to selectively ignore facts, is crucially important to being able to figure stuff out and succeed at the challenge of living.
    5) Therefore, one should think properly, i.e. one should be rational.

    Here we’ve arrived at the cardinal virtue in service to the ultimate standard of value: one’s life. The fact that one ought to be rational, in clear mental contact with reality, implies ethical individualism.

    However, if one were less careful in his observations about the kind of creature that man happens to be, less insightful in his observations about the sort of universe that man inhabits, he might conclude that man can acquire knowlege through various forms of faith–religious or secular–or various forms of mysticism and superstition. Or he might beleive that knowlege was impossible to man. Such false ideas about man and the world imply collectivist, rather than individualist, ethical implications. If learning ultimately depends on revelation from God, or from a political leader, or from the collective unconscious (interpreted and revealed by a political or religious leader), then each individual is unimportant, because his individual thinking is unimportant to his survival. In this case, ethical behavior flows from proper subordination and obediance to the authority through whom revelation is achieved.

    If Rothbard and Hoppe thought that ethical individualism is implied by an act of reasoned debate, then they could reach this conclusion only by explicitly identifying reason as an epistemological absolute, i.e. as man’s only proper means of learning. Thus, rationality would be an objective moral value to R&H.; That is, their route to ethical norms would necessarily presuppose PERSONAL MORAL VALUES, such as rationality. That is, without first figuring out a code of personal moral values that necessarily apply to everyone, H&R; could not proceed to a system of “libertarian ethics”.

    The fact that Mr. Edwards, in his defense of R&H;, found it necessary to identify reason as the prerequisite to reaching valid implications about ethics, supports my point.

    However, Rothbard (and I assume Hoppe) explicitly deny the relevance or fundamental importance of personal morality to their system of “libertarian ethics”. In fact, I have the impression from reading an earlier post about an exchange between Hoppe and Rasmussen, that Hoppe really thinks he can reach normative conclusions about property, without asserting that one “should” choose to respect private property. I think that is incoherent. (But this may well be unfair to Hoppe, whose book on property I have not read.)

  • Published: August 27, 2007 5:02 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • Mark,”To Paul Edwards:”If two people enter into an argument about how they should conduct themselves with respect to another, and if both look to facts, evidence, and logic as the standard by which they decide this issue, then certain implications can be deduced from their action. These include:

    1) The debaters are alive
    2) The debaters can “think”
    3) The debaters think reason is the proper means of figuring stuff out.

    “Do these implications lead anywhere? I don’t think so….”

    Sure they do, Mark. Logically, those things imply the following:

    1. The debaters presume they each and the other exists, has a right to exist and to control themselves, which acknowledges not only self-ownership during the argumentation, but a prior right to appropriate for themselves the means to survive to participate in the argumentation.

    2. The debaters presume that each will depend on reason, and peaceful cooperation, and not violence, to come to a truthful reasoned conclusion. They logically presume peace to pursue truth.

    In as far as they intend to actually carry out what can be logically described as argumentation, they will implicitly, and before they even begin discourse, agree to these norms. These norms, when all fleshed out and fully elaborated, are known as the libertarian ethic.

    Because they are logically presupposed during argumentation, all normative proposals that contradict any of these presuppositions represent a performative contradiction and are ruled out of court by force of logic during the discussion. Therefore, no propositions that are contrary to libertarian principles can be justified during argumentation. And since argumentation is the only method humans have of producing a justification of anything, if it can’t be justified during argumentation, it simply cannot be justified ever, and remains forever unjustifiable, or unjustified, period.

    All of what I have just said is true independent of “what two particular people happen to think or how they choose to argue”. Either they subscribe to reason or they don’t. If they don’t, they exist outside of anything we can reasonably claim to be a system of justice and if they are aggressive in libertarian lights, then they are merely technical problem to be dealt with violently, just as any irrational animal such as a wolf or a cougar would be.

    The a priori of argumentation is a fundamental reflection of the rational nature of man. As HHH has pointed out, because it is an action, it is a sub-category of human action and in that sense it is lesser than it. On the other hand it is in another sense it is superior and preeminent over action in that it is the one action necessary to allow us to discuss and understand the idea of action in the first place.

    Therefore, understanding the logical nature of argumentation, and its presuppositions can be instrumental in understanding the fundamental nature of acting man. It is indisputably instrumental in determining a valid ethic for social interaction.

  • Published: August 27, 2007 7:27 PM

  • TGGP
  • TCCP: If we lack free will, there is no point in discussing anything. For the idea of proof, of evidence, or logic, of KNOWLEGE, all presuppose the ability of the thinker to distinguish between truth and falsehood.
    Computers can distinguish between true and false. In a sense, that is all they can do. Just 0 and 1. The enzymes that replicate DNA can distinguish between A and T, C and G. None have free will.Collectivists always assert knowlege about ethics and politics by some form of revalation, divine or secular.
    They wouldn’t consider it “revelation” any more than anyone here’s acceptance of libertarianism. Argumentation ethics were invented by Habermas, who is notoriously left-wing.Yes. You are describing the psychology of the politician, the thief, murderer, socialist, rapist and the mob under the influence of democratic mentality. Their disregard for peaceful cooperation and justice is not really relevant to the question.
    They are extremely relevant to my well-being, since they are the ones who threaten to harm it.

    Why “deal with them” if they could not ethically be proven to be doing anything wrong? Without any ethical norms we could not really tell why we should “deal with them” in the first place.
    For the same reason I do anything: I am subjectively dissatisfied with the status quo.

    Secondly, the world is ruled by ideas. If we understand this we have laid a foundation for change. If we do not understand it people like Mr. Mugabe will be powerful. To argue that this is not so is contradictious as this is an idea itself.
    Most of Mugabe’s supporters are likely illiterate. He did not get where he is because he wrote philosophy, and it is not philosophy that will unseat him. People have tried protesting his actions, but his thugs drive them off. What use are all your ideas when he has the power?

    Does anyone really doubt the influence that Karl Marx’s ideas once had (and still have)? Or religious believes? Does it not exist people who believe in the principle of democracy? Is the concept of democracy powerless or powerful in today’s world?
    Karl Marx thought communism was a historical inevitability, the logical end result of capitalism. He was wrong and his ideas went nowhere until the Leninist Bolsheviks deviated from Marxist orthodoxy and created a revolutionary vanguard that would implement the dictatorship of the proletariat where they could, even if that place lacked capitalism. Murray Rothbard considered himself a disciple of Lenin’s strategy, but his vanguard was not a vanguard like Lenin’s vanguard (to paraphrase a commie saying). The Bolsheviks did not wait for their ideas to gain majority support (the Mensheviks outnumbered them among Russian marxists, and not all revolutionaries were marxists). They took the initiative and seized power when the opportunity presented itself. Libertarians have no idea how to do that.

    Wouldn’t the world be different if most of the adults believed in a libertarian ethic from a world in which most of the adults believed in Nazism?
    I have been reading Bertrand de Jouvenel’s “On Power”, and it seems to me that beliefs and philosophy offer no defense against the state. All will be seized by it for its own use, even those formulated to oppose it. The people who believed in a libertarian ethic might decide they must spread it around the world, and powerless Nazis might decide just to create nasty propaganda rather than actually doing anything. I don’t know. The Chinese and Vietnamese are still officially communist, Singapore is run by the “People’s Action Party” and English people I come across are glad they gave up on Cromwell’s commonwealth to go back to monarchy, but none of those things seem relevant.

    Did Marxists try to convince John D. Rockefeller of the rightfulness of Marxism or did they try to get support elsewhere? Why should libertarians be any different in this regard and try to convince criminals like Mr. Mugabe of the rightfulness of justice?
    I don’t think Mugabe will be convinced, that’s my point. What is needed is the capability to evade or deter his depradations.

    Apart from this I would also like to mention that I believe that very foundation for cooperation among people is that they gain by cooperating and not because of “tribal sentiments”. I think Mises was correct in believing this.
    Primitive peoples give up things to other tribe members, so the others benefit at their expense. The state was not formed through a social contract, it was created by acts of domination. Tribal sentiment still runs high. Daniel Klein talked about this in “The People’s Romance“, which I think even Rothbard was a victim of (see his writings on populism and the American war of independence).

    It is merely brow-beating and appeal to authority.
    Illogical, fallacious argument is still argument.

  • Published: August 27, 2007 10:54 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • The power of ideas.” . . . the ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas. Not, indeed, immediately, but after a certain interval; for in the field of economic and political philosophy there are not many who are influenced by new theories after they are twenty-five or thirty years of age, so that the ideas which civil servants and politicians and even agitators apply to current events are not likely to be the newest. But, soon or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil.”The last half of the last paragraph in John Maynard Keynes’s book General Theory of Employment Interest and Money.

    Human Action:

    “The nineteenth-century success of free trade ideas was effected by the theories of classical economics. The prestige of these ideas was so great that those whose selfish class interests they hurt could not hinder their endorsements by public opinion and their realization by legislative measures. It is ideas that make history, and not history that makes ideas.”

    Ludwig von Mises

    http://www.mises.org/humanaction/chap3sec3.asp#p84

    A proposition made by Hans-Hermann Hoppe:

    “States, as powerful and invincible as they might seem, ultimately owe their existence to ideas and, since ideas can in principle change instantaneously, states can be brought down and crumble practically overnight.”

    http://www.freelythinking.com/quotes.htm

    A quote from the book “The Ethics of Liberty”, by Murray Rothbard:

    “Ideology has always been vital to the continued existence of the State, as attested by the systematic use of ideology since the ancient Oriental empires. The specific content of the ideology has, of course, changed over time, in accordance with changing conditions and cultures. In the Oriental despotisms, the Emperor was often held by the Church to be himself divine; in our more secular age, the argument runs more to “the public good” and the “general welfare.”But the purpose is always the same: to convince the public that what the State does is not, as one might think, crime on a gigantic scale, but something necessary and vital that must be supported and obeyed. The reason that ideology is so vital to the State is that it always rests, in essence, on the support of the majority of the public. This support obtains whether the State is a “democracy,” a dictatorship, or an absolute monarchy. For the support rests in the willingness of the majority (not, to repeat, of every individual) to go along with the system: to pay the taxes, to go without much complaint to fight the State’s wars, to obey the State’s rules and decrees. This support need not be active enthusiasm to be effective; it can just as well be passive resignation. But support there must be. For if the bulk of the public were really convinced of the illegitimacy of the State, if it were convinced that the State is nothing more nor less than a bandit gang writ large, then the State would soon collapse to take on no more status or breadth of existence than another Mafia gang. Hence the necessity of the State’s employment of ideologists; and hence the necessity of the State’s age-old alliance with the Court Intellectuals who weave the apologia for State rule”.

    http://www.mises.org/rothbard/ethics/twentytwo.asp

    “Human history is in essence a history of ideas.” (H.G. Wells)

    “In every great time there is some one idea at work which is more powerful than any other, and which shapes the events of the time and determines their ultimate issues.” – Francis Bacon

    Because of the power of ideas, the following can be concluded:

    If an amount of people that supports the state is great enough, the state will be powerful.

    If an amount of people that supports the democratic principle is great enough, the democratic principle will be powerful.

    If an amount of people that supports communism is great enough, communism will be powerful.

    If an amount of people that supports religion is great enough, religion will be powerful.

    If an amount of people that supports libertarian ethics is great enough, libertarian ethics will be powerful.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 1:05 AM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • The point is, of course, that if for an example a small amount of people would try to make a Marxist revolution in the US by brutally taking over the government, they would not be successful.Why is this so?Because people generally do not want a Marxist run state and they do want elected people to run the government.

    All the weaponry might supports and harmonizes with those ideas that are prevailing.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 1:29 AM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • The power of ideas is an axiomIdeas are only thoughts.There would not be any point in communicating with each other at all if ideas would not make the slightest difference.

    Man cannot exist without any thoughts-ideas.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 1:46 AM

  • Anthony
  • Good posts Bjorn. I cannot understand what is with this denigration of ethical theorizing. If some libertarians cannot appreciate the value of it and are so intent on strategizing, then they ought to publish some works with their own ideas on the matter and work to agitate the public, instead of complaining about work concerning ideology.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 6:31 AM

  • TGGP
  • You can stuff your Keynes. Philip Converse actually presented data in “The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics”. He found that for most people, they do not have any ideology and do not know what it meant by terms like “liberal” or “conservative” and so on. The State was created out of domination, not consent, and domination alone is all that is necessary for it. Monarchy did not reign because most people were monarchists nor did any ancient empire seize huge territories because the inhabitants of those areas wanted them to.The point is, of course, that if for an example a small amount of people would try to make a Marxist revolution in the US by brutally taking over the government, they would not be successful.Why is this so?
    Because the Iraq War is so different from World War 1, because we are not transitioning from an agrarian economy and because for all their stupidity the Bush regime is still craftier about seizing and holding power than the Romanovs were.

    Man cannot exist without any thoughts-ideas.
    Sure they can. Jellyfish can exist without them. If I caused enough brain damage to some men to make them like jellyfish, they would still exist.

    If some libertarians cannot appreciate the value of it and are so intent on strategizing, then they ought to publish some works with their own ideas on the matter and work to agitate the public, instead of complaining about work concerning ideology.
    I already explained above, you must not have been paying attention. I am not a “professional libertarian”, I just comment in my spare time. I am not engaged in either ethical philosophy or strategy, but if I was going to be an activist I would put my efforts into the latter since it could actually obtain liberty. I criticize those libertarians who believe themselves to be altruistically working for liberty when they contribute nothing to strategy and instead expend their efforts in areas that do not actually bring anybody any liberty.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 11:55 AM

  • Anthony
  • And as I stated, I find these critiques misdirected. If you want to criticize someone, aim at actual libertarian strategists. You may not appreciate the role libertarian ethicists (and other philosophers) play, but they are crucial in the battlefield of intellectual ideas.Bjorn is entirely correct in his contention that ideas strongly aid the State’s perceived legitimacy – it too is a form of domination (hence Hitler’s strong focus on propaganda as a tool of rulership.) And I fail to see how man qua man can exist without thoughts without being reduced to some sort of vegetable.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 12:29 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • Thanks Anthony!Now we are jellyfishes. Mans typical characteristics (or mans nature) are the same as jellyfishes. Who could tell the difference? Very good argument! Maybe I should advice my employer to employ some of them. They must be very cheap to hire. Our customers will surely appreciate their services.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 2:36 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • The nature of man (The Ethics of liberty):”The individual man’s capacity for conscious choice, the necessity for him to use his mind and energy to adopt goals and values, to find out about the world, to pursue his ends in order to survive and prosper, his capacity and need to communicate and interact with other human beings and to participate in the division of labor. In short, man is a rational and social animal. No other animals or beings possess this ability to reason, to make conscious choices, to transform their environment in order to prosper, or to collaborate consciously in society and the division of labor.”http://www.mises.org/resources/cbf8fe63-40ec-48a6-8290-0de466d86096

    For a New Liberty:

    “The species man, therefore, has a specifiable nature, as does the world around him and the ways of interaction between them. To put it with undue brevity, the activity of each inorganic and organic entity is determined by its own nature and by the nature of the other entities with which it comes in contact. Specifically, while the behavior of plants and at least the lower animals is determined by their biological nature or perhaps by their “instincts,” the nature of man is such that each individual person must, in order to act, choose his own ends and employ his own means in order to attain them. Possessing no automatic instincts, each man must learn about himself and the world, use his mind to select values, learn about cause and effect, and act purposively to maintain himself and advance his life. Since men can think, feel, evaluate, and act only as individuals, it becomes vitally necessary for each man’s survival and prosperity that he be free to learn, choose, develop his faculties, and act upon his knowl¬edge and values.”

    http://www.mises.org/resources/12ea1d7b-28fd-4706-943d-c6100639a5eb

    Human Action:

    “Human action is purposeful behavior. Or we may say: Action is will put into operation and transformed into an agency, is aiming at ends and goals, is the ego’s meaningful response to stimuli and to the conditions of its environment, is a person’s conscious adjustment to the state of the universe that determines his life. Such paraphrases may clarify the definition given and prevent possible misinterpretations. But the definition itself is adequate and does not need complement of commentary.”

    http://www.mises.org/resources/4979fc72-aa02-407e-9604-7904fbc9b872

    From answers.com:

    “Humans, or human beings, are bipedal primates belonging to the mammalian species Homo sapiens (Latin: “wise man” or “knowing man”) in the family Hominidae (the great apes).[1][2] Humans have a highly developed brain capable of abstract reasoning, language, and introspection. This mental capability, combined with an erect body carriage that frees their upper limbs for manipulating objects, has allowed humans to make far greater use of tools than any other species. Humans originated in Africa about 200,000 years ago, but now they inhabit every continent, with a total population of over 6.5 billion as of 2007.

    Like most primates, humans are social by nature; however, humans are particularly adept at utilizing systems of communication for self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization. Humans create complex social structures composed of cooperating and competing groups, ranging in scale from small families and partnerships to species-wide political, scientific and economic unions. Social interactions between humans have also established an extremely wide variety of traditions, rituals, ethics, values, social norms, and laws which form the basis of human society. Humans also have a marked appreciation for beauty and aesthetics which, combined with the human desire for self-expression, has led to cultural innovations such as art, literature and music.

    Humans are also noted for their desire to understand and influence the world around them, seeking to explain and manipulate natural phenomena through science, philosophy, mythology and religion. This natural curiosity has led to the development of advanced tools and skills; humans are the only known species to build fires, cook their food, clothe themselves, and use numerous other technologies.”

    http://www.answers.com/topic/human?cat=health

    Well, then, if those characteristics of man cease to exist, man ceases also to exist. Some other organism might be left but not the human species.

    Or in other words:

    Murray Rothbard, “Fundamentals of human action” (praxeology):

    “All human beings act by virtue of their existence and their nature as human beings. We could not conceive of human beings who do not act purposefully, who have no ends in view that they desire and attempt to attain. Things that did not act, that did not behave purposefully, would no longer be classified as human.”

     

     

  • Published: August 28, 2007 3:45 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • TGGP : “Illogical, fallacious argument is still argument.”To the extent that this is true, it is true only from an irrelevant psychological standpoint. From a logical standpoint argumentation presupposes only valid logic and the pursuit of truth. Only with logic can a true justification be given and so therefore, it is only from a logical standpoint that A-E addresses and reveals the ethic that argumentation implies.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 4:56 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • TGGP : Quoting me, you write “Yes. You are describing the psychology of the politician, the thief, murderer, socialist, rapist and the mob under the influence of democratic mentality. Their disregard for peaceful cooperation and justice is not really relevant to the question.”To this you answer, “They are extremely relevant to my well-being, since they are the ones who threaten to harm it”, which ignores the point I try to make, and yet makes no point of its own which anyone here could disagree with.The questions I would ask you is Do you subscribe to a just social order? Do you not think that what you do and what others do should be justifiable? Logically, the fact that you do attempt to justify your views on this forum implies you do. Each time you post you act as if you believe in justifications. It is the content of your posts that sometimes introduce confusion because they are contradictory to the implications of your acts of posting. You cannot justify a position that justification is not worthy or valid – it is a contradiction.

    The point I make is that the libertarian ethic is justifiable and that contradictory ethics cannot be justified. We agree that criminals of all stripes, private and public pose a threat to our property and our well being. I further contend that it is worthwhile to know what acts are criminal and on what basis, so that we can more confidently and appropriately respond to them.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 5:31 PM

  • TGGP
  • If you want to criticize someone, aim at actual libertarian strategists.
    I have spent time at Mencius Moldbug’s site criticizing him. However my main problem with libertarian strategists is not so much that their plans are bad (though they may be) but that there are so few of them and so many ethicists!You may not appreciate the role libertarian ethicists (and other philosophers) play, but they are crucial in the battlefield of intellectual ideas.
    I do not believe this is the case. Do you have any evidence to present against that of Philip Converse?And I fail to see how man qua man can exist without thoughts without being reduced to some sort of vegetable.
    Perhaps in comparison to philosophers the majority of humanity is semi-vegetative. So now what do we do?

    Now we are jellyfishes. Mans typical characteristics (or mans nature) are the same as jellyfishes. Who could tell the difference?
    I would consider a man with brain damage to still be a man, because I would use genetics to determine species rather than philosophy. Intelligence is normally distributed (i.e a Gaussian or bell-curve). Many people are not really capable of following the arguments of Marx or Rand (who weren’t even professional philosophers able to obtain academic posts). Even among people that are intelligent, many don’t put much thought into such issues for the good reason that they derive no benefit from it. Your response may be to say that they are not acting like man qua man which must be a reasonable, rational thinking person living a fully examined life. So what, I say. We must deal with reality as it is, and if men are actually sheep we must focus on sheep.

    All human beings act by virtue of their existence and their nature as human beings. We could not conceive of human beings who do not act purposefully, who have no ends in view that they desire and attempt to attain. Things that did not act, that did not behave purposefully, would no longer be classified as human.
    Many human actions are not thought out but rationalized post-facto. They are like kicking when the doctor hits your knee with the reflex-mallet. In addition, a free-market can function with mindless automatons. See this.

    To the extent that this is true, it is true only from an irrelevant psychological standpoint. From a logical standpoint argumentation presupposes only valid logic and the pursuit of truth. Only with logic can a true justification be given and so therefore, it is only from a logical standpoint that A-E addresses and reveals the ethic that argumentation implies.
    If two people actually disagree, at least one must be incorrect. Does that mean no more than one person is actually arguing?

    The questions I would ask you is Do you subscribe to a just social order? Do you not think that what you do and what others do should be justifiable? Logically, the fact that you do attempt to justify your views on this forum implies you do.
    I am an emotivist/Stirnerite egoist. I do not believe anything is objectively justifiable. I do not believe normative statements have any truth value.

    You cannot justify a position that justification is not worthy or valid – it is a contradiction.
    Worthy and valid are two different things. Validity is not justified, it is shown. I am not trying to say here that normative beliefs are good or bad, only that they are unfalsifiable and thus cannot be correct or incorrect.

    The point I make is that the libertarian ethic is justifiable and that contradictory ethics cannot be justified.
    I will agree with the latter point, but not the former because I do not believe anything is objectively justifiable. Even Hoppe and Kinsella rather than justifying anything only attempt to show that something else is unjustified.

    I further contend that it is worthwhile to know what acts are criminal and on what basis, so that we can more confidently and appropriately respond to them.
    I do not need to know that the man attacking me is unjustified, only that I do not want to be attacked. Knowing I am “justified” does not make me more confident. If being “righteous” in an ethical libertarian sense resulted in success, the thugs we see running countries would not be so successful.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 6:51 PM

  • Anthony
  • In my view there are not enough ethicists.At any rate, Converse, from what I can tell, was dealing with conscious endorsement of an ideology. But that is hardly the point – propaganda and bad ideas tend to be indoctrinated at a subconscious level. Until they are brought to question these notions, they acquiesce to them.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 7:07 PM

  • Anthony
  • A clarfiication: ‘they’ – referring to those who are indoctrinated.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 7:09 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • Paul Edwards: Perhaps you’re correct about the logical implications of two persons engaged in reasoned discussion. Having thought a little more about it, I’m not sure. I am sure that the particulars of man’s nature and the nature of the universe we live in (no contradictions, the law of identity) logically implies a clearly defineable moral code and esthetic and ethical norms. I’m not sure–but will have to think more–that it makes sense to infer this from the actions of any two other people. Doing so seems to me, maybe, to suggest the primacy of consciousness over the primacy of existence, since this approach concentrates on the specific content of two individual minds. In contrast, by deducing objective moral and ethical values from the observable nature of man, primacy is vested in facts over consciousness. But I’m not clear right now. I think I’ll read Hoppe’s book on property to get better understanding.TGGP: You have succumbed to a logical fallacy that all determinists embrace–a fallacy that has been identified as such going back, or so I’ve read, all the way to the ancients in Greece. The fallacy is assuming the ability to make conscious distinctions, logical or otherwise, for yourself, the determinist; while simultaneously denying that this ability to make conscious distinctions exists for anyone else.In other words, you posit that one’s feelings and thoughts are ultimately determined by some influence–however you choose to define it–outside the province of one’s will or mind. This proposition requires that all thoughts/feelings about everything is so determined. One can’t evade this determinism, even temporarily or partially, according to the logical implications of determinism, otherwise one’s thoughts/feelings would not really be determined.

    Therefore, the determinist’s thoughts/feelings about any and every subject are, by the meaning of his argument, determined. Therefore, the determinst’s thoughts/feelings about the issue of freewill versus determinism are beyond his control, determined by elements outside his mental capabilities. And so it follows that if determinism were true, the determinist, like everyone else, would lack the personal power to distinguish between falsehoods and truth, facts and fantasy, good and bad, etc. All those distinctions, according to the determinist, are merely illusions, inexorable consequences of the forces that supposedly rule human life.

    I don’t intend to be condescending when I emphasize to you: there’s no way around this fallacy.

    However, when you criticize others on this thread, as we all do, you assume that which you deny: that we all have the capacity to distinguish between truth and falsehood. For if we lacked this ability, and if you truly believed that we lack this ability, what basis would you have to criticize (or praise) anyone for anything?

    There is a great book by Nathaniel Branden that discusses this issue, entitled “The Art of Living Consciously”. The book discusses the intersection of the philosophy of epistemology and psychology.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 7:09 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • TGGP:And so it follows that if determinism were true, the determinist, like everyone else, would lack the personal power to distinguish between falsehoods and truth, facts and fantasy, good and bad, etc. All those distinctions, according to the determinist, are merely illusions, inexorable consequences of the forces that supposedly rule human life.In reference to the above, I forget to make this clear: Since the determinist can’t make non-illusory distinctions, he can’t establish that determinism is true and valid. For knowlege, including of determinism, presupposes the capacity to distinguish between the logical and illogical, truth or falsehood. In other words, for the determinist, human beings lack conscious intelligence. This criticism applies as well to your ideas about computers and DNA, because your ideas presuppose your ability to think and choose.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 7:18 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • A parrot is blathering.
  • Published: August 28, 2007 7:24 PM

  • TGGP
  • At any rate, Converse, from what I can tell, was dealing with conscious endorsement of an ideology. But that is hardly the point – propaganda and bad ideas tend to be indoctrinated at a subconscious level.
    Propaganda is something handed down from a propagandist. Many (like the illiterates of Zimbabwe) don’t know what it says. The beliefs of the general public are more gut-feelings. They are remarkably consistent and don’t fit squarely into virtually any ideology (ideologists tend to think more and have coherent, if wrong, beliefs). Economists have been complaining about the same errors (protectionism, anti-market bias) from the days of Smith and Bastiat and they just don’t seem to die. They are found all around the world where people believe in many different things. No propagandist accomplished this coup.I am sure that the particulars of man’s nature and the nature of the universe we live in (no contradictions, the law of identity) logically implies a clearly defineable moral code and esthetic and ethical norms.
    Why are you so sure?the primacy of consciousness over the primacy of existence
    I have no idea what that means. That’s how positivist I am!

    The fallacy is assuming the ability to make conscious distinctions, logical or otherwise, for yourself, the determinist; while simultaneously denying that this ability to make conscious distinctions exists for anyone else.
    Quote me where I do so. I fully admit all my actions are pre-determined and I have no free-will, and furthermore that my conception of a platonic self is merely the subjective product of my brain evolved to enhance the likelihood of the spread of my genes.

    In other words, you posit that one’s feelings and thoughts are ultimately determined by some influence–however you choose to define it–outside the province of one’s will or mind.
    “The state of the universe billions of years ago plus some quantum coin flips” is something like how Greene & Cohen put it.

    Therefore, the determinist’s thoughts/feelings about any and every subject are, by the meaning of his argument, determined. Therefore, the determinst’s thoughts/feelings about the issue of freewill versus determinism are beyond his control, determined by elements outside his mental capabilities.
    Mostly true, although I would say that my mental capabilities are pre-determined and that they are a major factor in my beliefs and actions.

    And so it follows that if determinism were true, the determinist, like everyone else, would lack the personal power to distinguish between falsehoods and truth, facts and fantasy, good and bad, etc.
    False, remember my mention of computers and DNA/RNA which I hope you will agree do not have free will.

    All those distinctions, according to the determinist, are merely illusions, inexorable consequences of the forces that supposedly rule human life.
    No, there really is information: “a difference that makes a difference“. If you really want to get into issues of fallibility and subjectivism you might note that we could be living in a simulation and I have no idea what the “real” world is like, but in that case I don’t care about the “real” world, but only what I experience and believed had been real.

    However, when you criticize others on this thread, as we all do, you assume that which you deny: that we all have the capacity to distinguish between truth and falsehood.
    I certainly don’t believe anyone here or elsewhere is infallible, but given that you have read and responded to my comments I know that you can detect and remember difference and make actions based on it.

    For if we lacked this ability, and if you truly believed that we lack this ability, what basis would you have to criticize (or praise) anyone for anything?
    On what basis do I criticize Gone With the Wind or praise King Crimson? Because I like or dislike them!

    There is a great book by Nathaniel Branden that discusses this issue, entitled “The Art of Living Consciously”. The book discusses the intersection of the philosophy of epistemology and psychology.
    Given my views of the Rands/Brandens and my Szaszian take on psychology, I think I’ll put that off for a while.

    In reference to the above, I forget to make this clear: Since the determinist can’t make non-illusory distinctions, he can’t establish that determinism is true and valid.
    To test determinism we could look for indeterminacy in the brain. It does in fact exist there, in the form of quantum behavior. Since this is not a special characteristic of the brain but is in fact involved everywhere matter/energy (same thing according to Einstein) exist, it would be rather meaningless to refer to it as “consciousness” or “free-will”.

    This criticism applies as well to your ideas about computers and DNA, because your ideas presuppose your ability to think and choose.
    So do they have free-will or are they unable to detect difference?

    A parrot is blathering.
    Way to contribute, Björn.

  • Published: August 28, 2007 11:40 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • Verdict: Hoppe and Rothbard are wrong.Subjectivist or jellyfish. There are men who cannot argue such as imbeciles so they are therefore dead wrong. They cannot be creative and property rights are of no use for them either. As those imbeciles exist, this is true.Helicopter Ben. But Hoppe and Rothbard are implicitly referring to mans nature when they argue for the principles of justice. The typical characteristics of what we define man can create and make use of property rights. If man did not have those characteristics we would not exist. So we must suppose that those characteristics are objective and true.

    Subjectivist or jellyfish. No, no, no, I am a subjectivist and a positivist too for that matter, so I do not believe in that. It is so easy and so good to be a subjectivist, positivist and a moral relativist. I can always say that you are wrong. For example how do you know that you exist? Prove it.

    Helicopter Ben. But you are arguing, you cannot argue if you do not exist. You must accept the fact that you exist.

    Subjectivist or jellyfish. I am not arguing. Prove that. And as I said I am a subjectivist so I do not believe in things like the existence. Don’t you read my comments? I have already told you so. How many times do I need to do that?

    Helicopter Ben. A parrot is blathering.

    Subjectivist or jellyfish. That was easy. Now I have proved that Hoppe and Rothbard are dead wrong.

  • Published: August 29, 2007 1:52 AM

  • Anthony
  • TGGP: “Propaganda is something handed down from a propagandist. Many (like the illiterates of Zimbabwe) don’t know what it says. The beliefs of the general public are more gut-feelings. They are remarkably consistent and don’t fit squarely into virtually any ideology (ideologists tend to think more and have coherent, if wrong, beliefs). Economists have been complaining about the same errors (protectionism, anti-market bias) from the days of Smith and Bastiat and they just don’t seem to die. They are found all around the world where people believe in many different things. No propagandist accomplished this coup.”Yes, but literacy has never been a requirement for more subtle, pervasive form of propaganda (radio broadcasts, TV etc.) I am not sure to what extent propaganda exists in such forms in Zimbabwe, and I am not sure to what extent Mugabe’s rule is seen as legitimate, but in the West such propaganda certainly does exist.
  • Published: August 29, 2007 6:56 AM

  • Anthony
  • Bjorn, exactly the same thoughts were passing through my mind yesterday. It seems a little too easy for these moral nihilists/subjectivists to brush aside ethical theory. I wonder what philosophers have to say about it – that will be my next topic of inquiry.TGGP, what does ignorance of the primacy of consciousness etc. have to do with being positivist? They’re Randian terms. 🙂 Socialism is an example of a primacy of consciousness ideology.
  • Published: August 29, 2007 7:03 AM

  • TGGP
  • If man did not have those characteristics we would not exist.
    Jellyfish and imbeciles do not have those characteristics, yet they exist.It is so easy and so good to be a subjectivist, positivist and a moral relativist.
    Just wait a darn tootin’ second, I don’t believe in any objective good so it cannot therefore be good to be those things!For example how do you know that you exist?
    I have not been arguing that anyone does not exist. I admit the possibility that I could be a simulation, but then when I say “exists” it should be taken to mean not what actually exists outside the simulation but what is being simulated in the world I experience, since that is all I am aware of and can talk about.

    I am not arguing.
    I was actually the one for a very open definition of “arguing”, as others stated that using fallacies or incorrect logic did not constitute arguing. I say as long as one expresses that they disagree and offers statements (however nonsensical) in support of that disagreement, they are arguing.

    And as I said I am a subjectivist so I do not believe in things like the existence.
    Mises was a subjectivist. That did not mean he thought he or anyone else did not exist. I just don’t think normative statements have any truth value. It is not “existence” (keeping in mind the caveat in the third paragraph of this post) that I am skeptical of, but consciousness. I think it is ill-defined.

    Regarding Hoppe and Rothbard, they do not have any scientific expertise on human beings so I don’t see any reason to take them as authorities. Perhaps they know a lot about economics, but as the Catallarchy link showed many truths of economics are still valid for mindless automatons. I have pointed to Converse for real evidence of what humans are actually like, and those who want to make claims about the nature of man are welcome to provide evidence rather than unsupported statements to the contrary.

    Yes, but literacy has never been a requirement for more subtle, pervasive form of propaganda (radio broadcasts, TV etc.)
    Neither of those existed in the days of Adam Smith and Bastiat, but the same dumb ideas were still extremely popular.

    in the West such propaganda certainly does exist.
    Do you mean like public service announcements or Partnership for a Drug-Free America types of things? Those don’t seem significant to me. There is Fox News, but it’s massively popular because it fills a niche that wasn’t being satisfied before. People watch it of their own accord because it tells them things they already believe. Many Fox News viewers thought Saddam was responsible for 9/11 and WMDs were discovered in Iraq, even though Fox News itself does not make such ridiculous claims. People who believe such things are simply more inclined to watch Fox News.

    Socialism is an example of a primacy of consciousness ideology.
    I don’t usually hear socialists talk much about consciousness. Marxists talk about “class consciousness”, but they seem to have given up on that angle a while back since the proletariat didn’t behave like they expected.

  • Published: August 29, 2007 9:27 AM

  • ktibuk
  • It is kind of funny that TGGP proves that AE is not really sufficient to justify libertarian ethics.Since AE requires reson and many people choose not to use it, Argumentaiton ethics dont prove anything. Opponent can even be in a exchange of words that can be branded as argument but it is not an argument if one side choses not to use reason.As Bjorn put it, just like “talking or arguing” with a parrot.

    And it is also funny that people who easliy deny reality like TGGP can do so only when they talk about it.

    When it comes to living they, maybe not knowingly, acknowledge reality and act upon it.

    I cant imagine TGGP thinking, “this might be a simulation” and not get away when a car is coming at him on the street.

    He would just get out of the way, otherwise he wouldnt be here typing words devoid of reason.

  • Published: August 29, 2007 9:53 AM

  • Anthony
  • “Neither of those existed in the days of Adam Smith and Bastiat, but the same dumb ideas were still extremely popular.”It existed, yet in more antiquated forms (e.g. the Church.)”Do you mean like public service announcements or Partnership for a Drug-Free America types of things? Those don’t seem significant to me. There is Fox News, but it’s massively popular because it fills a niche that wasn’t being satisfied before. People watch it of their own accord because it tells them things they already believe. Many Fox News viewers thought Saddam was responsible for 9/11 and WMDs were discovered in Iraq, even though Fox News itself does not make such ridiculous claims. People who believe such things are simply more inclined to watch Fox News.”

    I mean news reports, television programmes, radio broadcasts, tabloids, anything that can be put to such use. Perhaps some people see these sources as a confirmation of what they already “knew”. Perhaps they are also a means of making sure that that belief does not fade away.

    “I don’t usually hear socialists talk much about consciousness. Marxists talk about “class consciousness”, but they seem to have given up on that angle a while back since the proletariat didn’t behave like they expected.”

    You admitted you do not understand what the term means. How, then, can you proceed to say whether or not socialism is described by it? Primacy of consciousness is a viewpoint, which according to Rand, ignores reality entirely and seeks to mould it according to utopian desires (e.g. ignoring the calculational impossibility of socialism.)

    Ktibuk, it’d be handy if most socialists admitted that they are not appealing to reason. 😛

  • Published: August 29, 2007 12:15 PM

  • Mark Humphrey
  • The phrases “primacy of existence” and “primacy of consciousness” are indeed Objectivist expressions. They refer to concepts that are really useful in trying to make sense of abstract ideas from philosophy.The “primacy of existence” holds that existence logically preceeds consciousness. That is, to be aware, one must first exist. To be aware of something, something must first exist. In short, consciousness presupposes existence. Nothing strange or controversial here, at least to anyone who is sane.The “primacy of consciousness” holds that consciousness logically preceeds existence. This is truly insanity projected onto philosophy, because if consciousness logically preceeded existence, existence would be a product of one’s consciousness. Philosophical doctrines influential throuout the last 150 or 200 years actually imnplicitly embrace the primacy of consciousness.

    In introductory philosophy classes in lower institutions of learning–public high schools or community colleges, for example–a simple little problem is presented to uncurious students, as follows: “If a tree falls in the forest, and nobody happens to be there to witness this event, did the tree actually fall?”

    I’ll leave it to readers (if there are any) to ponder this profound and weighty issue.

  • Published: August 29, 2007 2:23 PM

  • TGGP
  • And it is also funny that people who easliy deny reality like TGGP can do so only when they talk about it. When it comes to living they, maybe not knowingly, acknowledge reality and act upon it. I cant imagine TGGP thinking, “this might be a simulation” and not get away when a car is coming at him on the street. He would just get out of the way, otherwise he wouldnt be here typing words devoid of reason.
    The simulation angle isn’t important to my argument and it seems to have caused enough confusion that I regret mentioning it. I was only acknowledging it to dismiss it. If it is actually the case that I am living in a simulation, then I do not care about the “real” world outside the simulation, only the old world I had been experiencing, so it is as if the simulation is real (it seems that way to me), so I will indeed move my simulated self out of the way of the simulated truck.tabloids
    The government wants us to believe in bat-boy? Seriously, imagine there are two kinds of media providers. Type 1 focuses on giving the customers what they want. Type 2 has some compromise between that and propagandizing. Who is going to succeed in the market? Type 1.You admitted you do not understand what the term means. How, then, can you proceed to say whether or not socialism is described by it?
    I don’t have to know what a term means in order to remember whether people use the word “consciousness”.

    which according to Rand
    I haven’t read Rand, so it is best to explain a term like that before using it in order for others to understand.

    “If a tree falls in the forest, and nobody happens to be there to witness this event, did the tree actually fall?” I’ll leave it to readers (if there are any) to ponder this profound and weighty issue.
    I like what Eliezer Yudkowsky had to say about that one.

  • Published: August 29, 2007 3:58 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • TGGP:“If two people actually disagree, at least one must be incorrect. Does that mean no more than one person is actually arguing?”It means that neither has been convinced by the force of the other’s reasoning that the other has come to a correct or valid conclusion. However, throughout the process, each has logically and implicitly presupposed that the other is intending to apply correct and accurate reasoning to their arguments – to be put to the test by possibly better and more correct and accurate reasoning. The only question in each mind to be determined is whether the other has succeeded – and in the example you cite, the conclusion remains No.

    “I am an emotivist/Stirnerite egoist. I do not believe anything is objectively justifiable. I do not believe normative statements have any truth value.”

    Would you contend then, that your desire or willingness to violently defend yourself and your family from murderers, rapists and thieves has not an iota of a superior moral justification over the criminal actions of these murderers and thieves in the first place? I doubt you subscribe to such a morally vacuous philosophy, given how much time and effort you appear to put to justifying your views on this forum.

    “Worthy and valid are two different things. Validity is not justified, it is shown.”

    Semantics. How will you “show” that validity is shown rather than justified? Perhaps you will present a justification for such a proposal?

    “I am not trying to say here that normative beliefs are good or bad, only that they are unfalsifiable and thus cannot be correct or incorrect.”

    So therefore, is the belief that murder is bad on an equal logical footing to the belief that murder is good? Are such things, in your mind, really merely in the eye of the beholder? Is the torture and murder carried out on Hitler’s orders, in reality, on an equal moral foundation as peaceful cooperation?

    “I will agree with the latter point, but not the former because I do not believe anything is objectively justifiable. Even Hoppe and Kinsella rather than justifying anything only attempt to show that something else is unjustified.”

    They demonstrate what is unjustified by showing it to be a contradiction to that which can be justified. So, yes, they in fact do justify the libertarian ethic. They do this by demonstrating that it is the libertarian ethic that must logically be presupposed during the logical act of argumentation – the act that must be carried out in order to attempt to present any justification.

    “I do not need to know that the man attacking me is unjustified, only that I do not want to be attacked. Knowing I am “justified” does not make me more confident. If being “righteous” in an ethical libertarian sense resulted in success, the thugs we see running countries would not be so successful.”

    And yet conversely, your attacker may only need to know that he wants to attack you – in fact we know this to be the case. I would argue that your knowing that you are “justified” in defending yourself makes it possible for you to answer your peace loving critics when they ask you why they should not attack you in compensation for your violent act (your defense). When you put up a valid justification of self defense, they will see reason, given that they seek peace just as you do. As another consolation, you can look at your family in the eyes when you tell them your reason for acting violently was consistent with justice, and not injustice. It may matter.

  • Published: August 29, 2007 6:13 PM

  • TGGP
  • It means that neither has been convinced by the force of the other’s reasoning that the other has come to a correct or valid conclusion. However, throughout the process, each has logically and implicitly presupposed that the other is intending to apply correct and accurate reasoning to their arguments – to be put to the test by possibly better and more correct and accurate reasoning. The only question in each mind to be determined is whether the other has succeeded – and in the example you cite, the conclusion remains No.
    I don’t see where we disagree there. I was merely pointing out that arguing and arguing correctly are two distinct things.Would you contend then, that your desire or willingness to violently defend yourself and your family from murderers, rapists and thieves has not an iota of a superior moral justification over the criminal actions of these murderers and thieves in the first place?
    Not objectively.I doubt you subscribe to such a morally vacuous philosophy, given how much time and effort you appear to put to justifying your views on this forum.
    Well, it turns out you were wrong to assume so.

    Semantics.
    Indeed.

    How will you “show” that validity is shown rather than justified?
    Validity is correctness, or truth. The truth is what is rather than what ought. What is is demonstrated all the time and if one person’s judgement is not trusted a machine can analyze it objectively. Worthiness entails value judgements, which are subjective rather than objective.

    So therefore, is the belief that murder is bad on an equal logical footing to the belief that murder is good? Are such things, in your mind, really merely in the eye of the beholder? Is the torture and murder carried out on Hitler’s orders, in reality, on an equal moral foundation as peaceful cooperation?
    In an objective sense, yes. I happen to disapprove of such things, but my opinion does not count for much.

    They demonstrate what is unjustified by showing it to be a contradiction to that which can be justified. So, yes, they in fact do justify the libertarian ethic. They do this by demonstrating that it is the libertarian ethic that must logically be presupposed during the logical act of argumentation – the act that must be carried out in order to attempt to present any justification.
    Aside from my belief that nothing can be justified, there are still flaws with the argument. It presupposes that correct things are argued, when it might the case that the set of things that may be argued are all false (I am not saying this is the case, only that they do not consider this). Furthermore, it is not true that one must presuppose anything in order to argue. I can believe I am in the right to bash you over the head for disagreeing with me, but have merely elected not to do so at the present (or perhaps I am incapable of doing so, such as with arguments over a distance on the internet). The “master arguing with a slave” was the best example I can remember there.

    I would argue that your knowing that you are “justified” in defending yourself makes it possible for you to answer your peace loving critics
    If they are peace loving I am probably not that concerned with what they think since they are less likely to attack me.

    when they ask you why they should not attack you
    Peace loving attackers, how odd!

    When you put up a valid justification of self defense
    Or an invalid but convincing one, they might be easily fooled.

    they will see reason
    People have not seen reason for quite a long time. You do realize that libertarianism is a very unpopular ideology, right?

    given that they seek peace just as you do.
    If I sought peace I wouldn’t have attacked, and neither would they.

    As another consolation, you can look at your family in the eyes when you tell them your reason for acting violently was consistent with justice, and not injustice. It may matter.
    If my family believed in the god Quetzcoatl the rainbow serpent I could justify my actions by saying I had his blessing, even though I do not believe he exists and I don’t think you do either. They would probably be satisfied that mean Mr. Mugabe is off our backs without much explanation from me though.

  • Published: August 29, 2007 11:34 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • T: Well, it turns out you were wrong to assume so.P: If you say so.T: Validity is correctness, or truth. The truth is what is rather than what ought.

    P: But presuming I value the truth, is it not true that I ought to agree with the above, if it is indeed the truth?

    T: What is is demonstrated all the time and if one person’s judgement is not trusted a machine can analyze it objectively. Worthiness entails value judgements, which are subjective rather than objective.

    P: Your comments were both an attempt at a justification of your position, and an attempt to show its validity, by the way.

    T: “In an objective sense, yes. I happen to disapprove of such things, but my opinion does not count for much.”

    P: What your opinion counts for in the grand scheme of things in this world, is not actually the issue; it is whether or not your professed view is logically consistent with how you present that view. Is this “objective sense” as you put it, to mean that you have an objective view, or only a subjective opinion not based in reason, which disapproves of Hitler? Are you conceding that there is nothing superior to your view that his actions were wrong, compared to his view that his actions were right? Would you two simply agree with each other that you have different values, neither superior to the other? I guess you have already answered in the affirmative to this. Not everyone has such courage of their convictions. My hat is off to you.

    T: It presupposes that correct things are argued,

    P: Yes it does. In order to satisfactorily justify anything, one logically must argue correctly, logically, factually, and truthfully. This is a logical necessity. A true justification does not succeed by force, fraud, deceit or plain brute ignorance. A true justification must necessarily be made via correct arguments.

    T: when it might the case that the set of things that may be argued are all false (I am not saying this is the case, only that they do not consider this).

    P: Pardon the repetition, but, if a true justification is to be given, argumentation must proceed with truth and reason. Again this is not something that requires psychological “buy-in” by the participants of argumentation. It is something that simply stands as a logical requirement of true argumentation. One cannot logically argue that one cannot argue – although he can certainly physically attempt to do so. And one cannot logically present a successful justification based on force and fraud. It must proceed with reason and truth. Both of these are fundamental necessary truths.

    T: Furthermore, it is not true that one must presuppose anything in order to argue. I can believe

    P: What you might believe is irrelevant. You might be insane, or perhaps a criminal who is not interested in truth or justice. You might be a compulsive liar, or simply intent on demonstrating your cleverness by misleading another. This is all quite beside the point. What is relevant is the logical presupposition of argumentation. And that is peaceful cooperative logical reasoned discourse directed towards arriving at truthful propositions.

    T: I am in the right to bash you over the head for disagreeing with me, but have merely elected not to do so at the present

    P: All this means is that you are uninterested or incapable of argumentation and justification. In this case, you are the ethical equivalent of the wolf or cougar, fit to be dispensed with according to the violent threat that you pose to civilized humans. The question of justification is only pertinent to those interested in it and willing and capable of respecting civilized laws of justice.

    T: (or perhaps I am incapable of doing so, such as with arguments over a distance on the internet). The “master arguing with a slave” was the best example I can remember there.

    P: So to recap, this argument that some people are uninterested in justice is merely a tangential irrelevant observation turned sideways and made to look relevant to the discussion. What is relevant is that among those who are interested in justification of their behavior must do their justifying through argumentation, and to do this, they must – logically – in advance, agree to norms of civilized behavior. They must logically agree to the libertarian ethic to even attempt to justify their propositions. And they cannot justify any ethic that is a contradiction to these norms.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 12:35 AM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • Very long time ago I was a moral relativist. I thought that it was very obvious that not any ethical principle is objectively or axiomatically true. This because people do obviously have different opinions. So how could I tell which opinion is truer and more correct than the other guys opinion? It seemed to be like telling that the colour red is objectively more beautiful and correct colour than blue! It didn’t sound very plausible. Generally nearly all people also seemed to support the idea of moral relativism. Rothbard was the man that started my rethinking. I also thought one day that it was a little peculiar that generally societies forbade physical violence and theft. If all principles are purely subjectively undertaken, why do societies generally forbid physical violence and theft (with exceptions of course) and this has also been going on for thousands of years? Rightly or wrongly societies are ultimately guided by some moral principles whether we like it or not. In our societies laws must be enacted to keep the peace. Obviously the principle of democracy and utilitarianism couldn’t logically be defended as true and just.Later I realized that the truthfulness of some ethical principles do not rest upon if all people support them or not. What supports them is whether they can be derived from an axiom and by this procedure be logically defended.Rothbard gave me the glints why the principle of none violence and theft are ethically true and just. Further investigation and analyzing supported this.

    My conclusion was that the principle of none violence and theft which regulates the relations between people are objectively true borders of justice but within those spheres that is the lives of the individuals, are only guided and subjectively undertaken and are also only a matter of individual tastes.

    The superficial belief in moral relativism is the very cause of the high crime rates we have in our societies.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 2:08 AM

  • Peter
  • Computers can distinguish between true and false.No they can’t.as others stated that using fallacies or incorrect logic did not constitute arguing

    If, when you involve yourself in “argument” using fallacies or incorrect logic, your opponent points out the problem, you can recognize that you were making an error and correct it, that’s a legitimate argument. If there was no disagreement, there’d be no need for argument in the first place; and if the argument is resolvable (not merely a matter of opinion), there must obviously have been some fallacy in at least one of the participants’ initial positions. If you persist in the use of fallacies/logical errors after having them pointed out, you’re not really arguing, except in the childish sense (“are too!”, “am not!”, “are too!”, “am not!”), are you?! That’s all anyone is saying.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 3:31 AM

  • TLWP Sam
  • Oh, I think I get it now. I think what TGGP and possibly TokyoTom (and heck I was thinking of asking it) is that talk of being nice isn’t good enough to make the world a better place. Or some seem to imply that some could get ahead by using force and fraud but it wouldn’t last long so it’s better not to use it. But that baloney because the whole of history and present proves otherwise, plenty of people have done quite nicely with force and fraud. Or that the world is far from Libertopia is another proof that people don’t play nicely.But then I realised that Mark, Anthony. Björn, etc were simply talking about living their own lives without personal contradiction and not talking about trying to the world. Much clearer now. 😛
  • Published: August 30, 2007 10:01 AM

  • TGGP
  • But presuming I value the truth, is it not true that I ought to agree with the above, if it is indeed the truth?
    Presuming you value rape and murder, is it not true that you ought to agree with those who support rapists and murderers? It begs the question of whether you ought to support your beliefs and whether you ought to believe in something like truth.Your comments were both an attempt at a justification of your position, and an attempt to show its validity, by the way.
    I have not said that anyone ought to take my position. I am simply explaining what it is I believe.Is this “objective sense” as you put it, to mean that you have an objective view, or only a subjective opinion not based in reason, which disapproves of Hitler?
    Yes, I only subjectively dislike Hitler and his actions. I also disagree with Hitler on certain positive issues (will war and massacre bring Germany back to prominence and save it from Bolshevism? history showed that was not the case). If given the opportunity I might attempt to argue with Hitler using such positive points of disagreement, but in his final days he expressed a willingness to destroy Germany as it had failed to achieve his aims, so perhaps that would not work.

    Are you conceding that there is nothing superior to your view that his actions were wrong, compared to his view that his actions were right?
    Yes, there is no way to resolve the issue.

    Would you two simply agree with each other that you have different values, neither superior to the other?
    I don’t know what Hitler would do, but I would recognize that we have very different values. Mencius Moldbug discussed those values here.

    Yes it does. In order to satisfactorily justify anything, one logically must argue correctly, logically, factually, and truthfully. This is a logical necessity. A true justification does not succeed by force, fraud, deceit or plain brute ignorance. A true justification must necessarily be made via correct arguments.
    The mathematician Kurt Godel proved that there are infinitely many truths that cannot be proved. A great book on this is “Godel, Escher, Bach: An Eternal Golden Braid” by Douglas Hofstadter.

    true argumentation
    I hope we’re not getting in No True Scotsman territory here.

    It must proceed with reason and truth.
    Incorrect arguments do not proceed from truth and reason, so are they not true arguments then?

    What you might believe is irrelevant.
    Presuppositions are beliefs, and since you said I must presuppose something, my beliefs are relevant.

    All this means is that you are uninterested or incapable of argumentation and justification.
    The fact that someone who desires to bash you over the head is purposefully arguing over the internet shows that they are in fact interested in argumentation!

    and to do this, they must – logically – in advance, agree to norms of civilized behavior. They must logically agree to the libertarian ethic to even attempt to justify their propositions.
    The master may elect not to do this before arguing with is slave.

    And they cannot justify any ethic that is a contradiction to these norms.
    If, hypothetically, the libertarian ethic is objectively false, perhaps one could justify something contrary to it.

    I also thought one day that it was a little peculiar that generally societies forbade physical violence and theft.
    No they don’t, they have instances where it is ok and instances where it is not. Except perhaps odd groups like the Amish or Jains.

    If all principles are purely subjectively undertaken, why do societies generally forbid physical violence and theft
    If taste is subjective, why do all societies believe bread tastes better than mud? If they encountered a species that believed mud is tastier than bread and could converse, could they prove bread is in fact more delicious?

    Rightly or wrongly societies are ultimately guided by some moral principles whether we like it or not.
    Societies are ultimately guided by people, and people are prone to self-serving post-facto rationalizations.

    In our societies laws must be enacted to keep the peace.
    And I thought this place was full of anarchists!

    Obviously the principle of democracy and utilitarianism couldn’t logically be defended as true and just.
    I believe in neither, but I don’t see where you showed it was obvious.

    Later I realized that the truthfulness of some ethical principles do not rest upon if all people support them or not.
    Hooray, you’ve discovered that argumentum ad populum is a fallacy.

    What supports them is whether they can be derived from an axiom and by this procedure be logically defended.
    How is any ethical axion shown to be true?

    The superficial belief in moral relativism is the very cause of the high crime rates we have in our societies.
    You haven’t even proved a correlation, let alone causation. Also, I think you need to read some Steven Pinker.

    No they can’t.
    0 is false, 1 is true conventionally. Even if they distinguished them incorrectly they would still be distinguishing them. Our brains are ultimately not that different from computers and operate according to the same laws of physics.

    If there was no disagreement, there’d be no need for argument in the first place
    But people will still argue, perhaps believing incorrectly that there is disagreement. I plug this from Eliezer Yudkowsky again.

    and if the argument is resolvable (not merely a matter of opinion)
    I believe all normative arguments are of the latter type.

    If you persist in the use of fallacies/logical errors after having them pointed out, you’re not really arguing, except in the childish sense (“are too!”, “am not!”, “are too!”, “am not!”), are you?!
    Arguing in the childish sense is still arguing, and a person who was incorrect at first might also incorrectly argue against those who claim they made incorrect claims.

    TLWP Sam, you are right on the first part. However, I don’t see why ethical philosophy is necessary to live your life without contradictions.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 11:14 AM

  • TGGP
  • But presuming I value the truth, is it not true that I ought to agree with the above, if it is indeed the truth?
    Presuming you value rape and murder, is it not true that you ought to agree with those who support rapists and murderers? It begs the question of whether you ought to support your beliefs and whether you ought to believe in something like truth.Your comments were both an attempt at a justification of your position, and an attempt to show its validity, by the way.
    I have not said that anyone ought to take my position. I am simply explaining what it is I believe.Is this “objective sense” as you put it, to mean that you have an objective view, or only a subjective opinion not based in reason, which disapproves of Hitler?
    Yes, I only subjectively dislike Hitler and his actions. I also disagree with Hitler on certain positive issues (will war and massacre bring Germany back to prominence and save it from Bolshevism? history showed that was not the case). If given the opportunity I might attempt to argue with Hitler using such positive points of disagreement, but in his final days he expressed a willingness to destroy Germany as it had failed to achieve his aims, so perhaps that would not work.

    Are you conceding that there is nothing superior to your view that his actions were wrong, compared to his view that his actions were right?
    Yes, there is no way to resolve the issue.

    Would you two simply agree with each other that you have different values, neither superior to the other?
    I don’t know what Hitler would do, but I would recognize that we have very different values. Mencius Moldbug discussed those values here.

    Yes it does. In order to satisfactorily justify anything, one logically must argue correctly, logically, factually, and truthfully. This is a logical necessity. A true justification does not succeed by force, fraud, deceit or plain brute ignorance. A true justification must necessarily be made via correct arguments.
    The mathematician Kurt Godel proved that there are infinitely many truths that cannot be proved. A great book on this is “Godel, Escher, Bach: An Eternal Golden Braid” by Douglas Hofstadter.

    true argumentation
    I hope we’re not getting in No True Scotsman territory here.

    It must proceed with reason and truth.
    Incorrect arguments do not proceed from truth and reason, so are they not true arguments then?

    What you might believe is irrelevant.
    Presuppositions are beliefs, and since you said I must presuppose something, my beliefs are relevant.

    All this means is that you are uninterested or incapable of argumentation and justification.
    The fact that someone who desires to bash you over the head is purposefully arguing over the internet shows that they are in fact interested in argumentation!

    and to do this, they must – logically – in advance, agree to norms of civilized behavior. They must logically agree to the libertarian ethic to even attempt to justify their propositions.
    The master may elect not to do this before arguing with is slave.

    And they cannot justify any ethic that is a contradiction to these norms.
    If, hypothetically, the libertarian ethic is objectively false, perhaps one could justify something contrary to it.

    I also thought one day that it was a little peculiar that generally societies forbade physical violence and theft.
    No they don’t, they have instances where it is ok and instances where it is not. Except perhaps odd groups like the Amish or Jains.

    If all principles are purely subjectively undertaken, why do societies generally forbid physical violence and theft
    If taste is subjective, why do all societies believe bread tastes better than mud? If they encountered a species that believed mud is tastier than bread and could converse, could they prove bread is in fact more delicious?

    Rightly or wrongly societies are ultimately guided by some moral principles whether we like it or not.
    Societies are ultimately guided by people, and people are prone to self-serving post-facto rationalizations.

    In our societies laws must be enacted to keep the peace.
    And I thought this place was full of anarchists!

    Obviously the principle of democracy and utilitarianism couldn’t logically be defended as true and just.
    I believe in neither, but I don’t see where you showed it was obvious.

    Later I realized that the truthfulness of some ethical principles do not rest upon if all people support them or not.
    Hooray, you’ve discovered that argumentum ad populum is a fallacy.

    What supports them is whether they can be derived from an axiom and by this procedure be logically defended.
    How is any ethical axion shown to be true?

    The superficial belief in moral relativism is the very cause of the high crime rates we have in our societies.
    You haven’t even proved a correlation, let alone causation. Also, I think you need to read some Steven Pinker.

    No they can’t.
    0 is false, 1 is true conventionally. Even if they distinguished them incorrectly they would still be distinguishing them. Our brains are ultimately not that different from computers and operate according to the same laws of physics.

    If there was no disagreement, there’d be no need for argument in the first place
    But people will still argue, perhaps believing incorrectly that there is disagreement. I plug this from Eliezer Yudkowsky again.

    and if the argument is resolvable (not merely a matter of opinion)
    I believe all normative arguments are of the latter type.

    If you persist in the use of fallacies/logical errors after having them pointed out, you’re not really arguing, except in the childish sense (“are too!”, “am not!”, “are too!”, “am not!”), are you?!
    Arguing in the childish sense is still arguing, and a person who was incorrect at first might also incorrectly argue against those who claim they made incorrect claims.

    TLWP Sam, you are right on the first part. However, I don’t see why ethical philosophy is necessary to live your life without contradictions.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 11:15 AM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • Anthony “Exactly the same thoughts were passing through my mind yesterday. It seems a little too easy for these moral nihilists/subjectivists to brush aside ethical theory. I wonder what philosophers have to say about it – that will be my next topic of inquiry.”Yes, nihilists/subjectivists should logically prove their relativistic points of views which they naturally cannot. So we really are logically, because of justice, forced to brush aside their “opinions.”Ktibuk “”this might be a simulation” and not get away when a car is coming at him on the street.”

    A while ago when I thought of the subjectivist point of view I also thought of exactly the same example. Subjectivists do not really act in accordance with their beliefs. As Mises said “We may say that action is the manifestation of a man’s will.”

    Peter “If you persist in the use of fallacies/logical errors after having them pointed out, you’re not really arguing, except in the childish sense (“are too!”, “am not!”, “are too!”, “am not!”), are you?! That’s all anyone is saying.”

    This is also a correct statement, very childish “arguments” indeed. Why bother to answer childish statements in return for another one? A waste of energy I would say. He does a terrible job in “defending” the nihilist/moral relativist/subjectivist points of view. Actually in reality he does a good job in defending the opposite point of view as it seems that no real argument exist for subjectivism regarding ethical principles.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 1:08 PM

  • Paul Edwards
  • TGGP:”I have not said that anyone ought to take my position. I am simply explaining what it is I believe.”I think this sums up what we you doing here. You do not think it is possible to, much less are you inclined to, demonstrate that there is any truth to your argument regarding ethics. In this field, you are content to describe your position, which to you is hardly a justification; as such a thing is necessarily beyond reach. Naturally, according to this view, any justification showing your ethical position is incorrect is impossible as well, as reason and logic are both outside the domain of such considerations.

    Therefore, what we have been doing here has been to play a game void of purpose aside from perhaps the entertainment value we derive from it.

    Fair enough. I cannot convince you of the rational foundation of justice because reason is not relevant to you on this question. And likewise, you do not attempt to, and indeed cannot even hope to convince me of the validity of your position, and for the very same reason.

    I think this discussion has been a battle of psychology, with one participant refusing to do what the other insists is necessary for a logical argumentation: to acknowledge and admit the necessary element of logic and reason to the discussion.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 1:12 PM

  • Anthony
  • TWLP Sam: “But then I realised that Mark, Anthony. Björn, etc were simply talking about living their own lives without personal contradiction and not talking about trying to the world. Much clearer now. :P”Umm, no. Sorry. We were referring to the formulation of libertarian ethics vs. libertarian strategy (i.e. proselytization.) My point was simply that in order to combat contrary ethics, a well-formulated libertarian ethic is needed. TGGP disagrees (TT doesn’t – he just seems to think our emphasis is misplaced.) Clearer now?
  • Published: August 30, 2007 1:17 PM

  • Anthony
  • TGGP: “Incorrect arguments do not proceed from truth and reason, so are they not true arguments then?”Incorrect arguments do not reach truth or reason – but they attempt to.”The fact that someone who desires to bash you over the head is purposefully arguing over the internet shows that they are in fact interested in argumentation!”

    For the last time, argumentation ethics is not about what people want; it is about what is presupposed in the action of argumentation. Argumentation is specifically defined for the purposes of AE. All ethical justifications take the form of argumentation, that is they seek to reach some truth. There exist childish arguments, but these are not what the term subsumes. If you don’t like the term argumentation, imagine some other word to take its place.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 1:26 PM

  • TGGP
  • Yes, nihilists/subjectivists should logically prove their relativistic points of views which they naturally cannot.
    It is my belief that normative statements are unfalsifiable and thus have no truth value. This meta-ethical statement is in principle falsifiable: in order to falsify it, falsify a normative statement.So we really are logically, because of justice, forced to brush aside their “opinions.”
    Logic does not seem to have applied many pounds of force on you as you continue to converse with me! Also, I like how you put scare-quotes around “opinion” (those aren’t scare-quotes, remember the use-mention distinction) as if somebody else was claiming I had an opinion but you are not willing to concur! You might like this blog: http://quotation-marks.blogspot.com/A while ago when I thought of the subjectivist point of view I also thought of exactly the same example. Subjectivists do not really act in accordance with their beliefs. As Mises said “We may say that action is the manifestation of a man’s will.”
    I already explained why I would get out of the way of the truck if I were in a simulation, and I have never stated that I actually believe I am in a simulation (Robin Hanson suggests there is a 5% probability and I am willing to defer to his expertise).

    This is also a correct statement, very childish “arguments” indeed.
    Now this is a proper use of quotation marks! The issue was whether what the child was doing constitutes argument and by your use of quotation marks you indicate it does not.

    Why bother to answer childish statements in return for another one? A waste of energy I would say. He does a terrible job in “defending” the nihilist/moral relativist/subjectivist points of view.
    So you have slipped from discussing the hypothetical child to me? Where have I said “am not/are too” or used any logical fallacies? You disagree with my premise, that normative statements do not have truth value, and now you say it is useless to argue with me. Wasn’t it your position that false beliefs need to be met with true arguments?

    Actually in reality he does a good job in defending the opposite point of view as it seems that no real argument exist for subjectivism regarding ethical principles.
    Above I point out how to argue against emotivism: falsify a normative statement. You will not be able to do that if you start by assuming another normative statement, because its truth has not yet been established. Either it is elephants all the way down or you will have to derive a normative from a positive somewhere.

    I think this sums up what we you doing here. You do not think it is possible to, much less are you inclined to, demonstrate that there is any truth to your argument regarding ethics.
    My meta-ethical belief that ethical beliefs have no truth value is itself a positive belief and does have truth value. If I stated you ought to believe the truth, that would be a normative statement. So even though I believe that belief of mine is true, it is not then objectively the case that you ought to believe it, and subjectively I would not be too concerned if you didn’t.

    In this field, you are content to describe your position, which to you is hardly a justification
    I don’t think there are any justifications, and it would be odd (though not impossible) to demonstrate the validity of statement X without understanding what statement X actually says.

    Naturally, according to this view, any justification showing your ethical position is incorrect is impossible as well, as reason and logic are both outside the domain of such considerations.
    It is a meta-ethical position, and can be correct or incorrect.

    Therefore, what we have been doing here has been to play a game void of purpose aside from perhaps the entertainment value we derive from it.
    I can’t speak for you guys, but I know I’ve been entertained.

    Fair enough. I cannot convince you of the rational foundation of justice because reason is not relevant to you on this question.
    Whatever happened to the primacy of existence over consciousness? Or was that someone else? At any rate, I am looking to observe something so that I can say “Ah, there is such a thing as justice!”. Imaginary things in your head will not cut the mustard.

    And likewise, you do not attempt to, and indeed cannot even hope to convince me of the validity of your position, and for the very same reason.
    Oh, I wouldn’t assign a probability of 0 to that, but since you display a reluctance to engage in conversation here I would certainly put the likelihood that you will accept my position at less than 0.5.

    I think this discussion has been a battle of psychology
    That sounds a bit overdramatic.

    with one participant refusing to do what the other insists is necessary for a logical argumentation: to acknowledge and admit the necessary element of logic and reason to the discussion.
    I don’t have any beef with logic and reason though I hold Bayesian rationality above all those (they can be considered special cases of Bayes), I just think it is a non-standard use of the term “argument” to refer only to logical argumentation. Otherwise arguments would consist of at most one arguer.

    We were referring to the formulation of libertarian ethics vs. libertarian strategy (i.e. proselytization.)
    None of the examples I gave (Bell, Moldbug, Patri Friedman) were of proselytizers. I don’t think certain thugs can’t be successfully proselytized into accepting libertarianism. Bell wants to set up a market for anonymously killing rights-violators which will deter people from violating our rights. Patri Friedman wants to dramatically decrease exit costs and allow us to get away from governments we want no part in. Mencius Moldbug (who perhaps advocates proselytizing to government, but not convincing them to give up their power!) wants to formalize the State into a joint-stock corporation that will avoid idiotic and destructive actions in favor of those which provide value to its customers (the tax-payers) because this in turn will maximize revenue for the shareholders (those who currently but informally hold power).

    My point was simply that in order to combat contrary ethics, a well-formulated libertarian ethic is needed.
    Leonard Reed said communism was a problem to argued away, not shot or blown up. I think some communists cannot be argued with and must be shot or blown up. If you can convince any communists by arguing, go for it, but I don’t think much of your chances.

    For the last time, argumentation ethics is not about what people want; it is about what is presupposed in the action of argumentation.
    If I can show that person is 1 arguing and 2 not presupposing the libertarian ethic then that would show that the ethic is not a necessary presupposition of argument.

    There exist childish arguments, but these are not what the term subsumes. If you don’t like the term argumentation, imagine some other word to take its place.
    The common definition of “arguing” includes the childish type. If you want to refer to something else it is up to you to use a different term!

  • Published: August 30, 2007 7:51 PM

  • Anthony
  • TGGP: “None of the examples I gave (Bell, Moldbug, Patri Friedman) were of proselytizers.”My bad then.”Leonard Reed said communism was a problem to argued away, not shot or blown up. I think some communists cannot be argued with and must be shot or blown up. If you can convince any communists by arguing, go for it, but I don’t think much of your chances.”

    If force in self-defence against their hate preaching is necessary, then so be it. Otherwise I prefer the field of intellectual inquiry. Are you a market anarchist, minarchist, something else perhaps, or what?

    “If I can show that person is 1 arguing and 2 not presupposing the libertarian ethic then that would show that the ethic is not a necessary presupposition of argument.”

    You’d have to show that the action of argumentation does not presuppose certain things logically.

    “The common definition of “arguing” includes the childish type. If you want to refer to something else it is up to you to use a different term!”

    Well AE provides a definition of the term to go with it, so it is not really ambiguous at all. Terms are used in certain differing ways all the time.

  • Published: August 30, 2007 9:09 PM

  • TGGP
  • If force in self-defence against their hate preaching is necessary, then so be it. Otherwise I prefer the field of intellectual inquiry.
    Intellectual inquiry doesn’t seem to have made a dent on the Mugabes and Castros of the world.Are you a market anarchist, minarchist, something else perhaps, or what?
    Like Randall Holcombe, I do not think anarchy can be sustained and would like a minimal state to fill the power vacuum.You’d have to show that the action of argumentation does not presuppose certain things logically.
    How is that different from what I said?

    Well AE provides a definition of the term to go with it, so it is not really ambiguous at all. Terms are used in certain differing ways all the time.
    If they aren’t actually talking about arguing in the common sense of the term, perhaps it’s not really all that relevant.

  • Published: August 31, 2007 9:40 AM

  • Anthony
  • “Intellectual inquiry doesn’t seem to have made a dent on the Mugabes and Castros of the world.”And given that they are not persons I either encounter on a regular basis or aim to convert any time soon, they are irrelevant to me for the time being.”How is that different from what I said?”

    From what I can tell you seem to be thinking that if one can show that the motivations of the individual involved in argumentation are contrary to what it states that they are, then AE does not hold. However, AE is solely based on the presuppositions inherent in argumentation itself and the demonstrated preferences involved. If you mean that you can show that the presuppositions it claims exist in argumentation in fact do not, then that is an entirely different matter.

    “If they aren’t actually talking about arguing in the common sense of the term, perhaps it’s not really all that relevant.”

    For any ethical theory to be proposed, argumentation in the sense used in AE must be engaged in. So it is relevant for such purposes.

  • Published: August 31, 2007 9:58 AM

  • Paul Edwards
  • “My meta-ethical belief that ethical beliefs have no truth…”And no amount of reason can persuade you otherwise. I understand this now.“So even though I believe that belief of mine is true, it is not then objectively the case that you ought to believe it, and subjectively I would not be too concerned if you didn’t.”

    Because when you say you “believe” something is true, it means as much to you as to say you “believe” apples taste better than oranges. It’s subjective and arbitrary – not based on reasons which justify it. This is why you do not think that people who value the truth should necessarily agree with you. Because you do not think it ultimately is the truth – just your belief – and you don’t think you can justify your believe with reason. Again, I get it.

    “I don’t think there are any justifications,” Yes, I now recognize this is what you believe. This is why it is futile for me to attempt to present you with one. The criminal has his own beliefs as well. Perhaps he also doesn’t think there are any justifications.

    “It is a meta-ethical position, and can be correct or incorrect.” I know, I know. LOL!

    “I can’t speak for you guys, but I know I’ve been entertained.” This I believe. And this is a fine thing. It just doesn’t get you any closer to the truth.

    “At any rate, I am looking to observe something so that I can say “Ah, there is such a thing as justice!”. Imaginary things in your head will not cut the mustard.”

    To observe that there is such a thing as justice requires first observing that there is such a thing as reason and that the two are implied in each other and in the act of argumentation geared to the determining of truth. Why did I just say that? – another impossible justification.

    “…but since you display a reluctance to engage in conversation here”

    Finally, this conversation gets entertaining.

    “I would certainly put the likelihood that you will accept my position at less than 0.5.”

    Given that I require a logical justification for an ethical truth, and your contention that such a justification is utterly impossible, I would put the likelihood at considerably less than that.

    “That sounds a bit overdramatic.” That is entertaining as well. I don’t call our discussions a psychological battle to dramatize, but rather to distinguish it from logical argumentation: which I claim must presuppose the pursuit of truth via the cooperative application of reason. Something you persistently contend is not necessary. And I see that you perhaps unintentionally demonstrate what you mean by that in the course of our discourse. However all this confirms to me is that we have not been engaged in argumentation.

  • Published: August 31, 2007 2:12 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • Göteborg We Love You:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LOsme0cTgcw
  • Published: August 31, 2007 3:21 PM

  • TGGP
  • And given that they are not persons I either encounter on a regular basis or aim to convert any time soon, they are irrelevant to me for the time being.
    I don’t know about you, but I am an American which means I do not encounter them either. They serve as extreme examples. However, I do live under the rule of American politicians, who might be said to be a tastier flavor of dirt.From what I can tell you seem to be thinking that if one can show that the motivations of the individual involved in argumentation are contrary to what it states that they are, then AE does not hold. However, AE is solely based on the presuppositions inherent in argumentation itself and the demonstrated preferences involved.
    How is it inherent in argumentation itself if people argue without it?For any ethical theory to be proposed, argumentation in the sense used in AE must be engaged in.
    “Might makes right. Finders keepers, losers weepers, nana-nana boo-boo you poopie-pants.” That is clearly proposing an ethical theory and arguing in a childish way.

    And no amount of reason can persuade you otherwise. I understand this now.
    I already explained what could change my mind.

    Because when you say you “believe” something is true, it means as much to you as to say you “believe” apples taste better than oranges. It’s subjective and arbitrary – not based on reasons which justify it.
    No, it is a meta-normative belief, not a normative one.

    This is why you do not think that people who value the truth should necessarily agree with you.
    The post Two Cheers for Ignoring Plain Facts greatly angered me from the title alone, but I must concede there are situations in which I would prefer for people not to believe the truth because of the consequences of their belief. I think if Hitler had more accurate beliefs about the probability of military success, he might have been more cautious and stayed in power. I cannot answer for your perspective because I am not and can never be you.

    To observe that there is such a thing as justice requires first observing that there is such a thing as reason
    I don’t intend on denying reason here!

    and that the two are implied in each other and in the act of argumentation geared to the determining of truth.
    I do not concede that part.

    Given that I require a logical justification for an ethical truth
    But I am not arguing for an ethical truth but a meta-ethical one!

    And I see that you perhaps unintentionally demonstrate what you mean by that in the course of our discourse. However all this confirms to me is that we have not been engaged in argumentation.
    What have I said that was a logical fallacy? I bet if there was a poll of random web users in which they read our posts up until now and were asked if we were engaged in argumentation, a huge majority would say we were.

    Mr. Lundahl, if you hadn’t posted substantive comments before your most recent one, I would have assumed your were a spam-bot!

  • Published: August 31, 2007 4:17 PM

  • Anthony
  • “I don’t know about you, but I am an American which means I do not encounter them either. They serve as extreme examples. However, I do live under the rule of American politicians, who might be said to be a tastier flavor of dirt.”And I suppose you think justice must come out of the barrel of a gun? Again, I aim at convincing people of the veracity of my position; the more who come to agree with me, the more potential revolutionaires out there when things do come to justice out of the barrel of a gun.
    “How is it inherent in argumentation itself if people argue without it?”Argue without what spefically?

    ” “Might makes right. Finders keepers, losers weepers, nana-nana boo-boo you poopie-pants.” That is clearly proposing an ethical theory and arguing in a childish way.”

    Sure, with no justification behind it. Anyone serious about reaching the truthfulness of an ethic will aim at justifying it.

  • Published: August 31, 2007 7:23 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • I feel that the book Human Action is quite correct. My feelings about the truthfulness of the book Man, Economy, and State are quite high too. Does anyone share those feelings as well?
  • Published: August 31, 2007 9:27 PM

  • Björn Lundahl
  • Really, I should explain in a more detailed manner what I meant with my sincere feelings about above mentioned books:I feel that the conclusions made in the book Human Action are quite correct. My feelings about the truthfulness of the conclusions made in the book Man, Economy, and State are quite high too. Does anyone share those feelings as well?
  • Published: August 31, 2007 10:18 PM

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An Overview of Criticisms of Randy Barnett on Iraq and War

This is from my Mises blog post in 2007:

An Overview of Criticisms of Randy Barnett on Iraq and War

July 27, 2007 by

By now there’s been a great deal of libertarian criticism and discussion of Randy Barnett‘s controversial Wall Street Journal editorial, Libertarians and the War [link bad; wayback version] (subtitled: “Ron Paul doesn’t speak for all of us.”), including:

There are more, including one by the execrable Tom Palmer, but I won’t sully Mises.org by linking to it. Barnett has replied to some of these in Antiwar Libertarians and the Reification of the State and Libertarian Theories of War.

Barnett’s critics have made a lot of good points. Sheldon Richman, in Ahistorical “Libertarian” Warmongers, for example, wrote:

I think this gets at an underlying flaw in Barnett’s case. He, like others, approaches libertarianism in a hyper-rationalistic, ahistorical way. If in his view a policy position cannot be reached deductively from libertarian first principles, he concludes that libertarianism per se has nothing to say about it. But his method is wrong. Libertarianism isn’t purely an a prioritheory. It’s a set of insights about human beings and a unique historical institution — the state — insights produced by centuries of experience. Libertarianism properly conceived is an interplay of theory and history, neither ever losing sight of the other. It is, as Chris Sciabarra notes, dialectical.Barnett curiously combines his simplistic a priori approach to libertarianism with a vulgar dilettantism regarding current events void of detailed knowledge about the U.S. government’s conduct in the world for at least the last 50 years. That is what allows him to blithely proclaim that there is no libertarian position on a war against a country that posed no threat to the American people and that was run by a former agent of American presidents. That’s why he takes George Bush’s pronouncements and policy seriously.

And why are libertarian such as Barnett comfortable with this dubious methodology with respect to foreign policy? Because not far below the surface, they are nationalists. The nation is still a special unit of emotional value — particularly the U.S. There’s an implicit theory of exceptionalism here too. That accounts for their lack of interest in the history of U.S. intervention.

Fascinating point about their “implicit theory of exceptionalism” accounting for “their lack of interest in the history of U.S. intervention.”

A few other comments on Barnett’s piece. He writes: “Does being a libertarian commit one to a particular stance toward the Iraq war? The simple answer is ‘no.’” So … the obvious question tht occurs to the reader: where does he stand? It’s strange that he argues that a libertarian can still be in favor of war, and in particular the Iraq War, without ever explicitly acknowledging he is (was?) a proponent of the war. As Barnett made clear in a September 2003 blogpost on National Review’s The Corner, Libertarians Against The War,

Some libertarians I respect enormously oppose the war in Iraq. It was only a matter of time, I suppose, that I might be criticized by them for supporting it. The delay comes from the fact that I have not published anything in support of the war, but have confined myself in print to posting links on to articles by those who have. … I am a libertarian and Hanson is a conservative so we do not agree about everything. But unlike some libertarians, many on the Left, some Republicans and many Democrats, I do think we are in a defensive war and have been since we were attacked on 9/11. I further think that the battle for Iraq is a legitimate part of that overall war….

He also writes, “Naturally, the libertarians who supported the war in Iraq are disappointed, though hardly shocked, that it was so badly executed.” Does this mean that Barnett was in 2003 in favor of the war but has now changed his mind? If so, why not admit this mistake? If not, does this mean he is still in favor of the war even though he is “disappointed” (but not shocked!) that it has gone so poorly? And what does the “though hardly shocked” comment mean–that he realized the war might be a disaster at its inception but supported it anyway?

Barnett goes on:

The Bush administration might be faulted, not so much for its initial errors which occur in any war against a determined foe who adjusts creatively to any preconceived central “plan,” but for its dogged refusal to alter its approach–and promptly replace its military commanders as President Lincoln did repeatedly–when it became clear that its tactics were not working.

What is bothersome about this passage is its implicit endorsement of Lincoln, and his war and tactics. As Raimondo notes, according to Barnett, “[a]ll that went wrong [in Iraq] was that the implementation of the neocons’ grandiose vision was botched by a president who wasn’t enough like Lincoln – you know, the famously “libertarian” president who jailed his political opponents, banned antiwar newspapers, and burned Atlanta to the ground.”

Another troublesome comment: Barnett writes that

pro-invasion libertarians … are still rooting for success in Iraq because it would make Americans more safe, while defeat would greatly undermine the fight against those who declared war on the U.S. They are concerned that Americans may get the misleading impression that all libertarians oppose the Iraq war–as Ron Paul does–and even that libertarianism itself dictates opposition to this war.

Perhaps it was not intended to be taken this way, but Barnett appears to imply here that anti-invasion libertarians such as Ron Paul are not “rooting for success in Iraq”. I am sure Paul would vigorously deny this, and indeed that he is also “rooting for success in Iraq”, while remaining skeptical of the prospects of such success. (Healy makes a related point about the “rooting for success” comment.)

Also: “To a libertarian, any effort at “nation building” seems to be just another form of central planning which, however well-motivated, is fraught with unintended consequences and the danger of blowback.” But after acknowledging the danger of blowback, Barnett does not address this at all in the context of Iraq.

Another problem: the fence-sitting and abstract nature of Barnett’s piece. An acquaintance of mine wrote me that he was disappointed in Barnett’s piece for several reasons, including:

His much more fence-sitting piece is in some obscure blog. If you have strong views and you print them in the WSJ, fine. But, if you have tentative views, you put them in a blog, or in a scholarly journal, grow them into strong views, and then publish them in high-circulation journals (newspapers, magazines, etc.). Also, I tire of abstract discussions about war in general. Let’s discuss THIS war in particular. That’s why I liked Raimondo’s piece — he talked about specifics. For instance, talking about a specific war, it is absolutely OK (contra Barnett) to argue simultaneously that a war is illegal according to the UN and that the UN should be abolished. Hell, libertarians cite the GAO all the time while criticizing the fedgov, or assert states’ rights against the fedgov when we know good and well that states don’t have rights. Duh.

This problem is alluded to above when I noted that in the WSJ piece he does not acknowledge he, at least in 2003, was in favor of the war; and he does not say whether he is currently in favor of the war. He argues that one can be a pro-war, and pro-Iraq War, libertarian, but whether one should be, or whether he is, he leaves open or to inference.

I’ve noted a similarly curious stance by Barnett in the past. Despite his anarchism, for example (see, e.g., his 1977 JLS article Whither anarchy? Has Robert Nozick justified the state?; and his advocacy of a “polycentric” legal order in his Structure of Liberty book, which I discussed in this review), and his admiration for Spooner (he runs LysanderSpooner.org), he wants to find a way that the state can be legitimate. As he wrote in his 2003 article, Constitutional Legitimacy:

Lysander Spooner was perhaps the earliest American constitutional theorist to recognize that an argument based on hypothetical consent “existing only in theory” is required to respect the rights of the individual because everyone cannot be presumed – in the absence of express or actual consent – to have given up their rights: “Justice is evidently the only principle that everybody can be presumed to agree to, in the formation of government.” In the absence of actual consent, a government that protects the rights of all “is the only government which it is practicable to establish by the [theoretical] consent of all the governed; for an unjust government must have victims, and the victims cannot be supposed to give their consent.”In sum, an argument based on theoretical or hypothetical consent is inadequate to justify overriding background rights. To the contrary, for a constitution to be legitimate on the basis of hypothetical (as opposed to actual) consent, it must be shown that such a constitution is consistent with the background rights of the individual. In the next Part, I shall consider an alternative conception of constitutional legitimacy that explains both how laws can bind the citizenry in conscience in the absence of consent and why, because consent is lacking, the lawmaking power of government must be limited. Indeed, I argue that, in the absence of unanimous consent, there is a duty to obey the law only when the legislature’s powers are limited.

Now, it is curious enough that an anarchist wants to find a way to argue that the state’s decrees “can bind the citizenry in conscience”. But what I have always found striking about this position of Barnett’s is that it’s not really relevant to our current government since it does not have or abide by a sufficiently “libertarian” constitution. That is, Barnett ought to argue that theoretically he can imagine how a state could adopt enough limits so that its laws have a certain amount of legitimacy, but that our current state is not legitimate and there is, in fact, no duty to obey the state’s laws. It seems that if he took this approach, however, his entire “presumption of liberty” approach would lost most of its relevance. It would be one thing to advocate that a near-minimal state that has realistic chance of being a limited state adopt this approach to make it and its constitution “legitimate”. But a mammoth state like ours is not legitimate, is not limited, and would not be even if its courts tried to adopt some version of the “presumption of legitimacy” test–can anyone really believe government judges would ever apply this presumption in a seriously libertarian way? As libertarian attorney J.H. Huebert notes,

The Ninth Amendment and the Commerce Clause are not, as he says, “lost”—they have been in the Constitution all along. Courts have distorted these provisions not because judges have not had Randy Barnett to explain their true meaning. Courts have done so because they are part of the very federal government Randy Barnett seeks to limit. In general, judges and those who appoint them have no reason to want to limit government. … [N]othing short of a libertarian revolution would be necessary for courts to begin doing what Mr. Barnett wants them to. How could such a revolution come about? Not by educating people about the Constitution, but by educating them about liberty. And any good libertarian education reveals that “limited government” is impossible.

(This is part of an interesting exchange between Barnett and Huebert: Huebert’s Book Review of Restoring the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty by Randy E. Barnett; Barnett’s Libertarianism and Legitimacy: A Reply to Huebert; and Huebert’s No Duty to Obey the State: Reply to Barnett .)

Note this curious comment by Barnett, in the context of a discussion about the US invasion of Iraq:

Would [Huebert] deny that if the U.S. Constitution, properly interpreted, did reliably enforce individual rights when followed (a contestable claim), then the existence of such a legal system anywhere in the world would be a good thing on libertarian grounds, however it came about? [emphasis added]

Here Barnett, if I am reading him right, implies that (a) the current US government and Constitution-as-interpreted are not legitimate; and (b) it is not even clear–it is “contestable”–that the U.S. Constitution would be legitimate (“reliably enforce individual rights”) even if it were properly interpreted and followed! I find this astounding! Why does Barnett seek to legitimate the US government and Constitution when he admits it’s not legitimate now and might not be even if the Constitution were properly interpreted? And why would he argue, or leave open the possibility that, the admittedly failed Iraq War might be legitimate, even though it’s waged by a currently illegitimate state, to impose some Islamaphied constitution that is not even as good as our own illegitimate Constitution?

Update: In the comments to the Mises post some of the links are now outdated. Here are some updates: Tom Palmer’s post It Wasn’t Justified and The Temptation of War. See also Anthony Gregory, The Effects of War on Liberty; and Why Libertarians Must Embrace Peace: An Archive of Material on the Pro-War Libertarian Folly.

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Higher Law

On a libertarian list, a fellow listmember disagreed with me about whether one should, if on the Supreme Court, refuse to enforce an unjust law. I had written,

BTW, I also have no problem with the Courts “striking down” any other actions of the other branches of the federal government–even “constitutional” ones. If I were on the Court I would probably refuse to enforce tax convictions, for example. But I would do so on moral, not constitutional, grounds.

His reply: “This is the problem. You would do the same goofy crap that that liberals do when they get on the bench — “Certainty and stability of law be-damned! I’m going to finagle this until I get he results I want in every case!”

But I’m a libertarian. I would refuse to take part in murder. I reject the idea that “The legal system is in shambles because liberal assholes have been doing this crap for generations.”

[continue reading…]

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Egads, I hate Georgism

From LRC

Egads, I hate Georgism

Posted by Stephan Kinsella on April 25, 2007 10:58 AM

Rothbard just demolishes Georgism in his The Single Tax: Economic and Moral Implications and A Reply to Georgist Criticisms. I’m reading now Doherty’s excellent book, Radicals For Capitalism, and I must say that when I read the parts about “early” or “proto-libertarians” being influenced by Georgism (or being Georgists), it drives me nuts. I think this is even worse than nutty Galambosianism; even worse than the outright socialism and leftism that some libertarians flirt with in youth before they get some sense. At least no one pretends socialism is libertarian. Why anyone would ever think Georgism makes any sense whatsoever, or is compatible with libertarianism, I have no idea. It has always seemed to me to be pure economic crankism and yet another form of socialism. In my view, our libertarian movement and philosophy should have nothing to do with Georgism.

Update: see Sue Donimus, Georgism Cannot Solve Land Conflicts and

LiquidZulu:

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NSK Interview on Patents, by Taylor Conant

NSK Interview on Patents, by Taylor Conant

Update: link above is now dead; here is the post from the Waybackmachine:

 

April 6, 2007

“Big Dig #3” – Patent Law

The following was an assignment, “Big Dig #3,” for a business journalism class. I researched the patent process and interviewed a patent attorney from Houston, Texas, Stephan Kinsella (his personal website is available here).

On November 28, 2006, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the KSR v. Teleflex patent case, a trial which could produce the most important ruling for patent law in forty years.

The case involves a dispute between KSR, a company which manufactures gas pedals that use an electronic signal rather than a mechanical cable to signal the engine, and Teleflex, a company which claims KSR has infringed a patent it was issued in 2001 for a similar technology. The dispute revolves around whether or not KSR’s system was an “obvious” integration of known technologies or not.

“The implications of this case to the patent system are huge. It could impact millions of U.S. patents currently in force and over 700,000 patent applications currently being examined by the PTO,” according to an interview conducted by PRNewswire.com of Robert Greene Sterne, a member of the counsel for KSR.

Patents, like trade secrets, trademarks and copyright, seek to protect “intellectual property,” or “IP.” Of the general IP category, only patents and trade secrets protect inventions.

According to Stephan Kinsella, a patent attorney from Houston, Texas, there are four criteria the United States Patent and Trademark Office (or PTO), use when judging whether or not an invention is patentable—statutory subject matter, utility, novelty and non-obviousness.

“Basically you can patent machines and processes that produce a useful result, so that’s the first one, and utility means it just has to do something useful,” says Kinsella.

So, based on the first two criteria, drugs are in (potentially make you healthier), while nuclear bombs and perpetual motion machines are out (nukes can only do harm or disutility, while perpetual motion machines are impossible according to the laws of thermodynamics).

“Novelty means it has to be new, and that’s usually pretty easy to overcome,” Kinsella continues. “But then you have to ask yourself if it’s an obvious difference or a non-obvious difference, and in most other parts of the world this is called the ‘inventive step.’”

So, by way of example, Kinsella says patenting the use of an LCD panel with a computer would not be a possibility because it is already obvious that you would use a display device with a computer, even though and LCD is new in comparison to a standard CRT monitor.

As the Supreme Court case shows, and as Mr. Kinsella emphasizes, obviousness – or lack thereof – is the central issue of patent law being debated these days. And the spread of the Internet and electronic goods will serve only to further complicate the patent system in that regard.

“About five years ago, Amazon got an injunction against Barnes and Noble to stop their one-click—they had a patent on clicking once on the basket to buy something as opposed to clicking twice,” says Kinsella, recounting a key moment in the growth of e-commerce. “It’s ridiculous, utterly ridiculous… Barnes and Noble is lagging behind now and I don’t know if that’s why, but it’s possible.”

According to Kinsella, there may even be a kind of populist revolt against the concept of IP by consumers who are increasingly frustrated by restrictions on the way they use their electronic media and information technologies.

“I believe there is a growing hostility towards IP in general, at least among Gen-X and the tech people,” Kinsella says, citing the examples of the RIAA, Disney and the recent Blackberry patent suit in which the company was forced to pay hundreds of millions of dollars to another company which claimed Blackberry had violated one of its patents. “There is an increasing fear a lot of small companies are in of patent infringement when they’re just trying to do business.”

That’s a concern worth taking seriously—after all, the patent system is predicated on the belief that the limited-monopolies granted by it incentivize creativity and create a net benefit for the economy. But if the arbitrariness of the patent system leads to exponentially-increasing costs, the economic usefulness of the system might need to be reexamined.

“If you really take seriously the idea that anyone who comes up with an idea has some property right in it, it either has to be definite or infinite. If it’s infinite, the human race probably would’ve died out a long time ago, because no one would be able to use the wheel, or fire or build a house without getting permission,” says Kinsella. “Therefore, the only way to make them work is to define their duration, but then you run into the problem of arbitrariness—twenty years for a patent, seventy-five years for a copyright, ten year renewable terms for trademarks.”

Until the time comes for Mr. Kinsella’s ideal system which only respects trade secrets and trademarks, he and others concerned with the patent system will just have to cheer on the right outcome in court cases such as KBR v. Teleflex. Depending on the way the ruling goes, that case could result in a striking down of current notions regarding “secondary conditions of non-obviousness,” which Kinsella views as currently helping to promote the arbitrariness of the patent system which is responsible for situations like the Amazon one-click patent.

According to the industry blog PatentlyO.com, Justice Scalia has already hinted that a conclusion in the case has been reached, saying, “I know how that one comes out, but I’m not going to tell you.”

Stephan Kinsella has his fingers crossed.

Posted by The Owner at 2:43 PM

1 comments:

cowbot said…
Well written. Thanks.I’ve written a refutation of ‘intellectual property’ based on austrian praxeological method here:

http://phreadom.blogspot.com/2008/05/intellectual-property-is-fiction.html

The very nature of reality indicates that the idea opens a path towards harm.

May 14, 2008 1:19:00 AM EST
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I’m not an ogre!


On occasion someone will remark to me via email or IM that they, or others, think of me as some asshole. I’ve noticed before that sometimes the nicest and sweetest people–Hans Hoppe, Lew Rockwell–are unfairly characterized by people, largely those who don’t know them. I suppose this happens because people impute a certain personality or character to others based on their writings, if they don’t know them in person. But I’m just a lovable little fuzzball–honest injun.

Pix: Big Daddy and the Hoppinator, at the inaugural PFS meeting in Bodrum, Turkey, 2006; the other is Big Daddy on a boat trip at the meeting.

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G.A. Cohen, the Rothbardian-Hoppean Marxist?

From the Mises blog. Archived comments below.

Update: for extended quotes from Rothbard and Hoppe about the problem of universal equal or communist ownership, see KOL468 | Is Group Ownership and Co-ownership Communism?

In Jan Narveson’s thought-provoking and elegantly-written The Libertarian Idea (1990), he discusses an admission by a Marxist, G.A. Cohen, of a serious problem with communal ownership of property. As Narveson notes (p. 68): “The problem for socialists, as Cohen observes, is how to have both the right of self-ownership … and yet a right of equality, getting us the socialism they are so morally enamored of. That there is a problem here is suggested by” the following comment by Cohen (found on p. 93-94 of his book Self-ownership, Freedom, and Equality (originally from G.A. Cohen, “Self-Ownership, World-Ownership and Equality,” in F. Lucash, ed., Justice and Equality, Here and Now (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1986), p. 113-114):

people can do (virtually) nothing without using parts of the external world. If, then, they require the leave of the community to use it, then, effectively …, they do not own themselves, since they can do nothing without communal authorization.”

Narveson comments: “It is testimony to the strength of our position that even someone so ideologically opposed gives it clear recognition as an argument that must be confronted.”

Does Cohen’s reasoning sound familiar? It should, to Rothbardians and Hoppeans. See below —

In Rothbard’s The Ethics of Liberty he argues in favor of self-ownership because the only logical alternatives are “(1) the ‘communist’ one of Universal and Equal Other-ownership, or (2) Partial Ownership of One Group by Another–a system of rule by one class over another.” However, “in practice, if there are more than a very few people in the society,” the first

alternative must break down and reduce to Alternative (2), partial rule by some over others. For it is physically impossible for everyone to keep continual tabs on everyone else, and thereby to exercise his equal share of partial ownership over every other man. In practice, then, this concept of universal and equal other-ownership is Utopian and impossible, and supervision and therefore ownership of others necessarily becomes a specialized activity of a ruling class. Hence, no society which does not have full self-ownership for everyone can enjoy a universal ethic. For this reason alone, 100 percent self-ownership for every man is the only viable political ethic for mankind.

Rothbard goes on,

But suppose for the sake of argument that this Utopia could be sustained. What then? In the first place, it is surely absurd to hold that no man is entitled to own himself, and yet to hold that each of these very men is entitled to own a part of all other men! But more than that, would our Utopia be desirable? Can we picture a world in which no man is free to take any action whatsoever without prior approval by everyone else in society? Clearly no man would be able to do anything, and the human race would quickly perish. [emphasis added]

(See also Rothbard’s comments in Man, Economy, and State, where he refutes the idea that the free market robs future generations by wasting natural resources, since “[s]uch reasoning would lead to the paradoxical conclusion that none of the resource be consumed at all.”)

Hans-Hermann Hoppe makes some related points as well. In Hoppe’s The Ethics and Economics of Private Property, Hoppe argues that the libertarian principle of original appropriation–“Everyone is the proper owner of his own physical body as well as of all places and nature-given goods that he occupies and puts to use by means of his body, provided that no one else has already occupied or used the same places and goods before him” is not only intuitive and obvious to most people (even “children and primitives”), it is also provable. Hoppe argues that there are only two alternatives to this rule: “Either another person, B, must be recognized as the owner of A’s body as well as the places and goods appropriated, produced or acquired by A, or both persons, A and B, must be considered equal co-owners of all bodies, places and goods.” However, the first rule reduces A to the rank of B’s slave, and is therefore not universalizable. As for the “second case of universal and equal co-ownership,”

this alternative would suffer from an even more severe deficiency, because if it were applied, all of mankind would instantly perish. (Since every human ethic must permit the survival of mankind, this alternative must also be rejected.) Every action of a person requires the use of some scarce means (at least of the person’s body and its standing room), but if all goods were co-owned by everyone, then no one, at no time and no place, would be allowed to do anything unless he had previously secured every other co-owner’s consent to do so.

Thus, “universal communism,” as Rothbard referred to it, is a “praxeological impossibility.”

For similar comments, see A Theory of Socialism of Capitalism (1989), pp. 142-143.

Hoppe also criticizes the notion that aggression can be viewed as “an invasion of the value or psychic integrity of” others’ property, as opposed to the libertarian view under which aggression is “defined as an invasion of the physical integrity of another person’s property.” Hoppe critiques this alternative conception of aggression because

While a person has control over whether or not his actions will change the physical properties of another’s property, he has no control over whether or not his actions affect the value (or price) of another’s property. This is determined by other individuals and their evaluations. Consequently, it would be impossible to know in advance whether or not one’s planned actions were legitimate. The entire population would have to be interrogated to assure that one’s actions would not damage the value of someone else’s property, and one could not begin to act until a universal consensus had been reached. Mankind would die out long before this assumption could ever be fulfilled.

See similar arguments by Hoppe in his 1988 Austrian Economic Newsletter article, The Justice of Economic Efficiency (p. 3). Interestingly, in the ensuing exchange between the late David Osterfeld and Hoppe, they use language eerily similar to Cohen’s: Osterfeld (p. 9): “Hoppe argues that socialism is ‘argumentatively indefensible’ because if private property is not recognized, then one would have to come to an agreement with the ‘entire world population’ prior to committing oneself to a course of action, a requirement that would paralyze all human action, and thus all life. It is not clear that the only alternative to individual ownership is ownership by the ‘world community’.” (I cannot find the exact phrases “entire world population” or “world community” in the Hoppe piece Osterfeld is critquing, however.) In Hoppe’s response (p. 239), he notes: “Osterfeld claims that I construct an altemative between either individual ownership or but that such an altemative is not exhaustive. This is a misrepresentation. Nowhere do I say anything like this.” (emphasis added)

Archived comments:

Comments

Since when do Marxists/Communists/Socialists ever address inconsistancies in their beliefs. Marx himself did not address several facts at his disposal. Among them are:
1. Urban England, London in particular, had INCREASING incomes, wages and standards of living not decreasing.
2. Urban England had poor folks who were much wealthier than those in rural England.
3. Factory workers moved to cities to get better lives given the alternative of starving in the rural areas.
4. The middle class was much larger than was commonly accepted. AND GROWING RAPIDLY!!!

Posted by: Bill at March 9, 2007 7:48 AM

Hoppe argues that there are only two alternatives to this rule: “Either another person, B, must be recognized as the owner of A’s body as well as the places and goods appropriated, produced or acquired by A, or both persons, A and B, must be considered equal co-owners of all bodies, places and goods.”

Or perhaps a fourth unspoken alternative; no one owns anything both individually or collectively. Why isn’t that alternative refuted?

For this reason I have a hard time swallowing argumentive ethics, since it only shows that once you accept the normative concept of ownership, you can derive private property as the only defensibly just principle.

Posted by: iceberg at March 9, 2007 9:05 AM

Iceberg Slim wrote:

Or perhaps a fourth unspoken alternative; no one owns anything both individually or collectively. Why isn’t that alternative refuted?

 

For this reason I have a hard time swallowing argumentive ethics, since it only shows that once you accept the normative concept of ownership, you can derive private property as the only defensibly just principle.

 

Rothbard wrote about that alternative in The Ethics of Liberty. Though it was only a footnote.

In Part II of the book, Section 8 Rothbard writes a chapter titled “Interpersonal Relations: Ownership and Aggression.” A quote from Rothbard:

 

Let us set aside for a moment the corollary but more complex case of tangible property, and concentrate on the question of a man’s ownership rights to his own body. Here there are two alternatives: either we may lay down a rule that each man should be permitted (i.e., have the right to) the full ownership of his own body, or we may rule that he may not have such complete ownership. If he does, then we have the libertarian natural law for a free society as treated above. But if he does not, if each man is not entitled to full and 100 percent self-ownership, then what does this imply? It implies either one of two conditions: (1) the “communist” one of Universal and Equal Other-ownership, or (2) Partial Ownership of One Group by Another—a system of rule by one class over another. These are the only logical alternatives to a state of 100 percent self-ownership for all.[1]

 

Footnote [1] says this:

 

Professor George Mavrodes, of the department of philosophy of the University of Michigan, objects that there is another logical alternative: namely, “that no one owns anybody, either himself or anyone else, nor any share of anybody.” However, since ownership signifies range of control, this would mean that no one would be able to do anything, and the human race would quickly vanish.

 

I wouldn’t call that an in depth “refutation”, but at least it is spoken of.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Posted by: Black Bloke at March 9, 2007 9:46 AM

Why does the preview show one thing and the post another?

Posted by: Black Bloke at March 9, 2007 9:47 AM

iceberg: “Or perhaps a fourth unspoken alternative; no one owns anything both individually or collectively. Why isn’t that alternative refuted?”

I believe it was, but perhaps the refutation has not adequitely explained. Ownership is defined in terms of rightful control over some specific resource. The right to control when and how a resource is transformed and/or consumed — and thus the acts of transforming and consuming themselves — imply ownership. By definition, then, in order for any resource to be utilized it must first be owned by some person or collection of persons. To say that no one owns anything is equivalent to say that no one has any right to transform or consume anything. This would naturally lead to the mass extinction of the human species.

Posted by: Jesse at March 9, 2007 9:47 AM

Cohen’s point, though, is that self-ownership is rendered insubstantial and merely formal under such a socialist situation. It is not violated, any more than a person’s property rights in a corkscrew are violated by a worldwide absence of corked bottles. It simply means that you cannot use yourself. Cohen responds, however, that the situation could be precisely the same in a libertarian society if one guy (somehow) buys up all the land (or otherwise justly appropriates it) and so leaves everybody else in a position of not being able to use themselves to do anything (except maybe think about what they are missing out upon) without the permission of the owner of that land.

However, there are obvious answers to Cohen. One bad one is that since self-ownership is not strictly violated in either situation, who cares? This is bad because self-ownership is attractive precisely because of features the substantive concept has that this strictly formal concept under the world-ownership arrangement lacks.

A better response would be to say, sure, libertarian regards substantive ownership as what is important. However, in the real world, land is not owned by a single owner, it is highly unrealistic to think that it could be, so the closer we get to the real world, and the fuurther from Cohen’s socialist situation, the better, in terms of substantive self-ownership. Moreover, if we include libertarian arguments about the relative non-problem of monopoly absent state intervention, the more libertarian the society, the more substantive self-ownership becomes. We could say, “fine, there would be a problem in a world where one guy bought up all the land,” without really having to abandon much of libertarianism and what makes it attractive at all.

Posted by: Richard Garner at March 9, 2007 11:28 AM

“Or perhaps a fourth unspoken alternative; no one owns anything both individually or collectively. Why isn’t that alternative refuted?”

When no one owns anything, no one controls anything. The word, ownership has been bastardized throughout the centuries. When we speak of natural control over resources, we are relley speaking of property ownership.

For their to be peaceful relations between people, their must be agreement on who controls resources, so we are not constantly fighting over resources. agreement over control over resources is contract.

blah blah 🙂

Posted by: jason at March 9, 2007 12:09 PM

Now that it’s been brought up, the fourth alternative (the claim that no-one owns anything) would make a quite intriguing initial situation/plot background for an an-cap Anthem

Posted by: Daniel M. Ryan at March 9, 2007 2:32 PM

Richard,

“We could say, “fine, there would be a problem in a world where one guy bought up all the land,” without really having to abandon much of libertarianism and what makes it attractive at all.”

Why would there be a problem? If people sell their property, they must surely take responsibility. If original appropriation is rather what is meant, then Cohen and also self-described “left-libertarians” (Hillel Steiner, Peter Vallentyne, Michael Otsuka) have seemingly misunderstood the libertarian theory of acquisition. I think on this point Stephan’s good friend Tom G. Palmer has shown Cohen to wrongly identify Nozick’s proviso as being *the* theory of acquisition, instead of some unnecessary and mistaken addition.

Posted by: ste at March 10, 2007 8:26 AM

Iceberg:

“Or perhaps a fourth unspoken alternative; no one owns anything both individually or collectively. Why isn’t that alternative refuted?”

There are many ways to say it, but basically this “no one owns anything” ethic is not an alternative ethic. The problem is it does not help us answer the question “what am i justified in doing right now and with what?” It in no way helps us avoid conflicts over scarce resources that acting man will necessarily have conflicting ends for.

“For this reason I have a hard time swallowing argumentive ethics, since it only shows that once you accept the normative concept of ownership, you can derive private property as the only defensibly just principle.”

But the act of arguing and justifying anything demonstrates that one accepts these things. Therefore, their validity cannot be disputed. It applies to all who in principle, would argue to justify themselves and ask a justification of another; I.e. humans. And to those beings who in principle would not, or could not in principle present or respect a justification, a property ethic does not and can not apply. But this is exactly why animals have no rights. They can in principle, neither claim any for themselves, nor acknowledge them to others.

Posted by: Paul Edwards at March 10, 2007 3:20 PM

so what then is correct response to the common objection that persons being born into a world where they own no property creates a conflict of rights? e.g. what if nobody wishes to have them on their land, giving them literally nowhere to go. or, are there numerous responses, all with some value? i am certainly not suggesting that such an objection against libertarianism carries any weight, but rather that if we disagree on why the objection isn’t strong, then does that in itself pose a problem?
any thoughts?

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 8:30 AM

ste, try this analogy: What if no store wanted to sell their goods to one particular person? It’s well within a store’s moral rights to refuse to serve someone, but obviously, they only make money by selling their goods, so there would need to be a very strong reason why they wouldn’t want to sell to someone, like if they were a klepto trying to steal their goods.

Same thing with land. Unless a landowner is using their land specifically for their own residence, they want to use land for productive purposes, and would need a strong reason not to allow any particular person on their land.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 12, 2007 11:20 AM

Michael,

but the reply could be that while there is no conflict of rights if every shop refuses to sell food to some person, there is a *necessary* conflict of rights if someone is not permitted to reside anywhere in the world. this difference is one that the self-described “left-libertarians” (Steiner, Otsuka, Vallentyne) pick up on. Steiner, for example, holds that all rights must be simultaneously realisable, or they or not rights. libertarians seemingly want to make this claim too, but your comment does not escape the objection i have outlined.

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 12:22 PM

Well, let’s clarify the issue-what particular right is violated by the situation, and why is it different from the store example?

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 12, 2007 1:06 PM

Michael,
if i have to stand somewhere, and no one wants me to stand on their property, then am i not necessarily trespassing? the store example contains no rights violation that i can see. as i asked earlier, is the best libertarian response that, in practice, this will be highly unlikely to occur? this approach doesn’t seem to rule out unavoidable rights-violations entirely, and hence, seems to be open to attack (as Cohen and others recognise).

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 1:24 PM

Store example is identical, because food is also a necessity of life.

But I want to return to a STE’s statement:
“…there is a *necessary* conflict of rights if someone is not permitted to reside anywhere in the world.”

There is no conflict of “rights” here. You don’t have a right to reside anywhere in the world (thank goodness), simply because I don’t want you in my bedroom. You ask, what if nobody wants me and all land is privatized? Well, even nomadic Gypsies are able to survive while traveling, by entertaining or doing something useful for private owners. Some of them find abandoned parcels and establish adverse possession (their own property) – but we can even assume there is no such land anywhere. If you have nothing to offer to anyone and nobody even wants to give you a shelter – the problem is in you, not in the system of private ownership. The same goes for shops that sell you food: you must offer something in return for their property and if you have nothing to offer you can’t say that your rights are violated by their refusal to serve you.

PS
Also, the example in which one landowner purchases all the land in the world is absurd. People residing on that land cannot go to Mars and they will establish their own adverse possession on that same land if they keep living and working there (also, people would not give-up their land for free and they would not sell their land without some mean of survival and somewhere to go).

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 12, 2007 1:33 PM

Sasha,

rather than a conflict, is it not still true that a rights violation necessarily occurs? and would this not in itself be problematic? as you say, my not having anywhere to go would be a (non-rights-violating) problem for me, but is it not necessarily a rights-violating problem for the unfortunate property owner?

the store example differs in that i could produce, on my own, enough food to survive.

a single person purchasing the entire world is, of course, highly unlikely. but it is not logically impossible (though this is not relevant to the above objection).

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 2:35 PM

Ste,

Quite the contrary:
Rather than a violation of rights, a conflicts may occur in a completely privatized world (any hobo may attack me, in order to get my property without any work for me)… But such violations of private property would be sanctioned. Anyway, a person may have a limited privilege in case of necessity, but he will still own a compensation to the rightful owner (the trespasser will work it out)

I didn’t understand how could you claim that you can produce enough food to survive. What if you own only bare walls and unfertile land as many people do in this world? Are your rights violated if shops don’t want to give you food for free?

PS
Logical impossibility of owning entire livable space in the universe is contained in the adverse possession argument and the fact that people will establish property rights over the land on which they work and live (since they are not slaves and they will use some space on which they will store their compensation for the land they sold). I only mentioned this in the post scriptum as the response to one previous posting.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 12, 2007 2:57 PM

To correct myself (- rather than legalized violation of rights, a number of conflits may occur in a completely privatized world -):

The violation of rights (aggression) can occur in any type of society… The difference is that common law in capitalism would sanction the aggressor, while socialism would legalize the aggressor’s actions.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 12, 2007 3:02 PM

Sasha,

my point is not that violations may occur in a completely privatised world (of course this is true anywhere, as you say) but that we can conceive of a situation which has no solution, whereby a necessary rights violation exists.

in what sense would common law sanction a violation? and, in what sense is this different from it being legalised? if property rights are absolute, why do i have to suffer from having persons on my land? this is the problem that Steiner and others discuss, and i am as keen as you to work out the best libertarian response to it. Richard (above) seems to think that denying the probability of such a situation is the correct response, though you seem to be committed to a different view. are they both valid? or is one more valid than the other? if they are both valid, is only one required to refute the objection?

it is logically possible that we each produce enough food for our survival, so the difficulty of my main point is avoided. as i said, a shop’s refusal to give me food for any price does not infringe my rights. but my being situated on another’s property does, which is precisely the problem. if you could say a little more about the role of common law, i would be grateful.

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 3:53 PM

The point is that one doesn’t have an inherent right to land. Thus, even if no landowner will allow you on their land, no rights are being violated. Trespassing would be a crime, but if there was literally no place for the trespasser to go, I would imagine a just legal system would carve out a solution to the problem, not to mention a humane society. But it wouldn’t be an issue of rights conflict.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 12, 2007 4:03 PM

Michael,

but surely the solution your just legal system will carve out is only necessary to resolve a rights violation. as Sasha pointed out, the objection is not one of conflict. rather, it is that i must be somewhere rather than nowhere.

the objection entirely accepts that we do not have an inherent right to land, i.e. that my rights are not violated by everyone denying me access. the very problem is the one that you point out — for absolute property rights do not seem to be consistent with an inability to remove a trespasser.

however, it is not clear what the court’s decision would be, nor could be. is this a better way of framing the objection?

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 4:14 PM

It’s hard to know what the court’s decision would be a priori without more circumstances. It’s difficult for me to believe that an entirely blameless and unobjectionable person would be refused entrance onto somebody’s land somewhere. Or are we talking about some kind of crisis situation, like extreme overpopulation or the like?

And if the person is, in fact, a criminal of some sort, then the court’s decision and the legal system, should include some way for him to serve his time/work out restitution/redeem himself so that others will eventually allow him onto their lands.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 12, 2007 5:45 PM

Michael,

but if self-ownership does not give us an a priori answer, isn’t this a weakness of the theory? moreover, what circumstances would/could count towards a decision?

the point remains, does it not? whether it is hard for you to believe or not cannot be relevant to the difficulty that the objection poses. absolute property rights dictate that the property owner, and no one else, makes decisions about who can occupy his property, doesn’t it? why should he abide by the decision of any court?

this shows why any talk of a crisis situation is irrelevant (Rothbard correctly refutes Nozick’s use of such a justification) since it admits to the strength the objection i posed.

the person without access to any land need not (otherwise) be a criminal.

one solution, of course, is that the trespasser be executed,but i am not sure this represents a good escape.

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 6:06 PM

Ste says:

“if property rights are absolute, why do i have to suffer from having persons on my land?”

That’s the problem with your entire argument. You falsely presuppose “suffering” that will not be sanctioned in anarcho-capitalism. But it will. In cases of easement or limited privilege in case of necessity, the owner is compensated… trespasser is held responsible.

Also, Ste commits another logical error:

That’s nonsensical. It is logically possible that we each parcel land in ways in which everyone will have a shelter – so the difficulty of my main point is avoided in the same way.

But your point was different, because you asked whether someone rights will be violated “if someone does not have any land,” without actually asking yourself: “what if someone does not own means for food production?”

Just like owner of shops does not violate the right of those who can’t produce food by refusing to give it for free – the landowner does not violate rights of those who hypothetically have nowhere to go and nothing to offer in exchange for shelter.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 12, 2007 6:32 PM

This was cut out with an incorrect HTML code:

It is logically possible that we each produce enough food for our survival, so the difficulty of my main point is avoided.”

That’s nonsensical. It is logically possible that we each parcel land in ways in which everyone will have a shelter – so the difficulty of my main point is avoided in the same way…

But your point was different, because you asked whether someone rights will be violated “if someone does not have any land,” without actually asking yourself: “what if someone does not own means for food production?”

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 12, 2007 6:34 PM

So we have to keep analogies straight.

When Ste wants to prove “inconsistency” in anarcho-capitalism, he tries to play with false analogies.

That’s rather misfortunate, since I’m eager to hear some valid anarcho-communist objections to anarcho-capitalism, when it comes to self-ownership and derived rights.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 12, 2007 6:41 PM

Sasha,

i am merely playing devil’s advocate, in the hope that the objection i’ve stated can be dismissed with more than the claim that it is unlikely to happen.

still, the difference between the two cases will not disappear. without wishing to repeat myself, i think the inconsistency remains. my question is why should anyone be, of logical necessity, forced to house a trespasser? it is all very well that a court sides with the property owner in principle, but the fact is that the person must continue to reside somewhere, thereby violating the rights of a property owner. another way of stating the point is to say that it odd that a series of just decisions could lead to a necessarily unjust situation. i fail to see how self-ownership alone can resolve this logical problem.

which false analogies am i playing with?

Posted by: ste at March 12, 2007 7:12 PM

Nobody should be forced to house a trespasser. So what?

Your “objection” is pure meaningless sophistry.

It’s like asking “what if two plus two was five”? Well, who cares what if – it isn’t!

Posted by: Peter at March 12, 2007 7:50 PM

Ste,

While it is true that many communists are dishonest – I would rather see you not emulating their incorrect analogies (I pointed out which false analogy I refer to, read more carefully), but instead raising some valid objections.

There is no difference between two cases (shop-keepers who refuse the free access to food and landowners who restrict free access to shelter):

In order to survive, a person must reside somewhere — but that person also must eat. Anarcho-capitalists do not believe that a person has an inherent right to survive at someone else’s expense, whether we talk about housing or food needs.

YOU SAID: “but the fact is that the person must continue to reside somewhere, thereby violating the rights of a property owner.”

Forgive me, but that is such a nonsensical assumption that I must question your honesty. Who says that by residing on someone else’s property you necessarily must violate someone else’s property???? I don’t have my own housing and I live on someone else’s property – but I pay for it and I am not a violator. The same goes for food: I don’t own any means for food production, but that does not imply that I will steal to get it. Even if I had no alternative for food and shelter in some unrealistic world, these facts would not change! I own my body and I will offer labor for good like money, with which I would obtain food and shelter…

Anarcho-capitalism would equally sanction any trespasser and there is no inconsistency between markets for food or shelter.

Regards.

….

PS
You say: we can imagine a world in which “each [person] produces enough food for our survival” (the means for production of food are perfectly divided in your imaginary world), so we would not have any conflicts over food in those utopian circumstances…
– but we can also imagine a world in which people have perfectly parceled the land between each person – so there is no conflicts over shelter in those utopian circumstances.
That’s why I pointed inconsistency in your analogy. Anarcho-capitalism is not inconsistent even in such absurd scenarios.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 12, 2007 7:53 PM

but if self-ownership does not give us an a priori answer, isn’t this a weakness of the theory? moreover, what circumstances would/could count towards a decision?

Um, self-ownership is separate from the legal system. Arbitration and mediation will always require knowledge of the circumstances involved. Expecting a system of rights to solve non-rights situations is a little silly, isn’t it? And yes, crisis situations are usually outside of normal legal systems, as well. I was merely trying to find out if you wanted to raise that objection.

Soem people want all human social and ethical conditions to be subsumed under the legal system. Politicizing all aspects of human behavior is not only undesireable, it also has terrible consequences on social, cultural and ethical norms and aspects of society. In short, I don’t think it’s a flaw in a rights system to not have an a priori answer to a non-rights issue. It’s an improvement. To say that someone is not legally required to be charitable is not at all the same thing as saying that people should not be (as in social pressure) or will not be (as in basic human kindness and nature) charitable.

Libertarian rights are a basis for a legal system, not a comprehensive philosophy for all human conduct.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 12, 2007 7:57 PM

Peter,

the objection is not meaningless, and is certainly not akin to saying 2 + 2 = 5, because it is possible that the situation i described can exist, without any assumption of aggression on anyone’s part. i raise it only to suggest a possible difficulty in absolute property rights. if we are to take them seriously, as i certainly do, then doesn’t it help to determine exactly what the best response to doubters is, and to stick to it? there have been different replies to my point, and this is the precisely the issue i wanted to raise. are all valid, or not? if not, it might be worth arguing against those who reject my point but for different reasons. on a practical note, objections like the one i raised are (unsurprisingly) largely accepted in politics departments throughout academia today, and this is even more reason to be clear on exactly why my objection does not count.

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 12:18 PM

Sasha,

but i disagree that the analogy holds. i could just as well ask you to read me more carefully.

the difference between the cases is that no shop owner has to provide food (this is plainly obvious), and in doing so the rights of every shop owner are upheld. however, if every land owner refuses the person permission to reside on his land, then necessarily the person will be aggressing against one of them. which part of the distinction are you missing?

if you are saying that the difficulty will quickly disappear because people do not live very long without food, then isnt this just limiting the problem to the number of days that the person survives for? this does not elmiinate the objection posed.

“Forgive me, but that is such a nonsensical assumption that I must question your honesty.”
as i said, i am simply trying to work out the best response. it seems to me that you disagree that saying the situation is very unlikely to happen is the best response, so on that score at least we have made some progress. whether your response it valid is what i’m attempting to determine.

“Who says that by residing on someone else’s property you necessarily must violate someone else’s property???? I don’t have my own housing and I live on someone else’s property – but I pay for it and I am not a violator.”
yes, i understand this. it is, after all, unlikely. the point is that if every property owner justly refused you access, you would have nowhere to go. all of these decisions are just, yet an unjust situation can logically result. this is the basis of the objection.

“The same goes for food: I don’t own any means for food production, but that does not imply that I will steal to get it.”
but the food example requires intentional criminality on your part, whereas the land example does not. ideal theory seems to have a problem here, and assuming that the problem raised will not happen does not seem to be a valid escape, as you seem to suggest.

cheers.

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 12:45 PM

Michael,

“Arbitration and mediation will always require knowledge of the circumstances involved. Expecting a system of rights to solve non-rights situations is a little silly, isn’t it?”
but we know all the relevant circumstances, do we not? every property owner is refusing to allow a person to reside on their land. what more could we find out empirically?
are you claiming that trespass isn’t a rights violation? if not, are you inadvertantly claiming a crisis situation?

“Soem people want all human social and ethical conditions to be subsumed under the legal system. Politicizing all aspects of human behavior is not only undesireable, it also has terrible consequences on social, cultural and ethical norms and aspects of society.”
Some people might well do, but the objection does not imply this.

“In short, I don’t think it’s a flaw in a rights system to not have an a priori answer to a non-rights issue.”
why isn’t it a rights issue?

“It’s an improvement.”
Is this saying absolute property rights are imperfect? If so, does it matter? Sasha, do you agree with this Michael here?

“Libertarian rights are a basis for a legal system, not a comprehensive philosophy for all human conduct.”
This is undoubtedly true, but again, my objection is not making this claim.

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 12:58 PM

Yes, trespass is a rights violation, but as we’ve already made clear, this is not an issue of rights conflict. As for the circumstances of the situation, there must be some kind of reason why ALL the landowners would refuse to allow someone on their property, or else we are talking about a supremely irrational situation or a crisis situation of some sort. It may be a “possible” situation, but absurd under normal circumstances.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 13, 2007 1:40 PM

Ste,

I read you carefully and that’s why I question your honesty.

You asked: “however, if every land owner refuses the person permission to reside on his land, then necessarily the person will be aggressing against one of them. which part of the distinction are you missing?”

I am not missing anything.

If every land owner refuses the person to reside on his land – that is perfectly analogous to a twisted world in which every shop-owner refuses to give food to a person who does not have means of producing it.

So what’s the problem here? Rights will always get violated when person wants to live at someone else’s expense. Anarcho-capitalism does not eliminate violations of rights – but it is the only system that would sanction these violations. Socialism would try to legalize such parasitism.

STE SAID: “but the food example requires intentional criminality on your part, whereas the land example does not.”
If you use someone’s land and refuse to pay for it – that is also intentional act. When you are starving, you unintentionally (out of necessity) must use someone’s food – but you have to pay for it.

You are insisting on a lie in order to find a flaw in anarcho-capitalism.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 1:49 PM

Michael,

“It may be a “possible” situation, but absurd under normal circumstances.”

Forgive me if i misinterpret, but that sounds like an admission of the strength of my objection, and simply falls back on “it is unlikely.” if this is the best response, then fine, but i hoped we would find a better one.

i don’t see why the (irrational?) reasons for all landowners to refuse access are relevant. if, as you suggest, it might be a crisis situation, then what counts as a crisis? Hoppe says that we should not compromise on the level of theory. what if this peculiar compromise is unavoidable?

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 2:15 PM

Ste is forgetting that anarcho-capitalism recognizes necessity as a legal concept (some people cannot avoid being present on someone’s land and to use someone’s food – like a shipwrecked person on a private island – but they will have to owe some kind of compensation to this owner.

So there is no “violations” in cases of necessity, unless person refuses to pay some kind of compensation for their use of land and food. The only to avoid the hypothetical possibility of having these violations – is by legalizing theft. That’s the socialist “solution” for a non-existent problem.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 2:17 PM

Ste said: “Forgive me if i misinterpret, but that sounds like an admission of the strength of my objection”

Leave Michael alone for a second…

I just politely showed how absurd your pseudo-arguments are. There is no strength in them… and no readiness for critical thinking either, either.

Regards.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 2:20 PM

All I’m wanting is a clarification of the issue being presented, before we start appealing to Lewis Carroll. The circumstances DO matter, and the appropriate response may well differ depending upon those circumstances.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 13, 2007 2:51 PM

Sasha,

“Ste is forgetting that anarcho-capitalism recognizes necessity as a legal concept (some people cannot avoid being present on someone’s land and to use someone’s food – like a shipwrecked person on a private island – but they will have to owe some kind of compensation to this owner.”

perhaps this is, in part, the answer i was looking for. it certainly sounds more promising than your previous attempts, and is very different from the “unlikely” argument. but also perhaps not. for instance, i do not equate the land example with the food example, and i do not think you necessarily need to in order to argue against my objection. the word “necessity” is being used in two different ways, which could be more important than you allow.

i don’t tthink those who originally made my objection would be convinced by your detailed and thoughtful points, but then maybe i will never convince you of (any of) the merits of my point.

(I am sure Michael can look after himself.)

cheers.

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 2:55 PM

Ste,

I consistently raise the same types of objections, so there is nothing “more” or “less” promising in my last posting.

The problem in your argument is that you try not to equate food with land examples – by trying to establish a false analogy between a world in which everyone has enough food to survive (world without scarcity of basic food) – with a world in which we have people without any land to live on. And then you say: look at these different outcomes, hence food and land cannot be compared.

All I said was: let’s imagine the world in which I don’t have any means to produce food (even if I owned unfertile land)! Would my rights be violated if ship-owners refused to give me their food for free? Of course not. Will shop-owners rights be violated if I take their food in order to sustain my life? NOT NECESSARILY. Only if I refuse to pay them at the later time – that would constitute a violation! And trust me: anarcho-capitalism would sanction these violations.

Food and living space are both necessities of life – what goes for one, goes for the other. You can even expand these necessities to clothing, healthcare, education, employment… once you legalize land theft, there’s no end to slippery slope of socialism.

I am sure that communists who made false objections to anarcho-capitalism will not be convinced by my arguments, since most of them are not interested in hearing other people’s ideas.

On the other hand, I carefully considered your arguments, and I am not convinced simply because your objections to anarcho-capitalism are false. Anarcho-capitalism would not cause property right violations – even if all land was privatized and you had nowhere to go. Your necessity use of someone’s food or land – does not imply that you will refuse to pay them. And anarcho-capitalism is not inconsistent in either scenario.

Regards.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 3:55 PM

I think something is being forgotten here.

Nobody can, in a privatized world, simply be “born” into a world where they don’t own any property and thus their presence is a perpetual trespass.

Somebody had to have given birth to the person and that somebody either lives legally, would have either committed a prior trespass, or was a descendant thereof.

One interesting side point that I haven’t read about (perhaps there is an article covering this somewhere–it’d be interesting if anyone knows of such): Say the world is privatized. You own land, your neighbors own theirs. You find someone trespassing on your property.

Now nobody would dispute that you have a right to expel this person, but the question becomes “where to?” Now it may not be any of your business, but what if your expelling of this trespasser simply creates a trespass against your neighbor? Now perhaps there is a private road that permits someone (perhaps your defense agency) to take this trespasser back to their own territory, which is all and good. But, if we assume this is not an option, what options does the landowner or trespasser have other than to further trespass? My initial reaction is to say that the trespasser should, in this example where there are no publicly available options such as roads, return in the reverse order he arrived. Sorry if this is off-topic.

Posted by: Jordan at March 13, 2007 6:00 PM

Jordan,

Someone like me have parents with property (where I lived until I turned 18), but what if they kicked me out of there? Now imagine a hypothetical world in which everything is privatized and I don’t have anyone’s invitation to live on their property (Ste’s scenario). What then?

My response to Ste was: In the anarcho-capitalist world, I would have a limited privilege of necessity to obtain food and shelter, but I would have to compensate the owners… My aggression against owners (refusal to pay) is not presupposed.

The answer to your last question is: a proletarian person would continuously (and unintentionally/out-of-necessity) trespass until he finds a willing host who will accept his labor in exchange for hosting. I won’t get into the debate about common law easements and private roads for public use, because that would take us even farther away from this topic.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 6:19 PM

I remember reading an article where someone argued that commons could and would still arise in AC society. Don’t remember the specifics, though–I’ll have to see if I can find it again. Also, the purpose of a road, even a private road, is to allow people to travel to different locations. Again, it would be quite strange if our trespasser wouldn’t be allowed to travel on a road or path, perhaps to a commons area.

The only thing I can figure is that our opponents expect guarantees and perfection from our theories. If they fall short, even just a little bit, that becomes a justification for them to reject them completely, and to hold on to their own preferred theories.

I can only argue to the best of my ability and knowledge, not being a Rothbard, or Mises, or even a Friedman.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 13, 2007 6:53 PM

Sasha,

perhaps if i change the emphasis of my point.. the objection is not at all concerned with the survival of the person without property — after all, what happens to them is not a problem.

it is instead concerned with the property owner (not?) having to allow the person a place to stand. hence food is not the issue, because the person without property could (logically) decide not to steal any food, but (as a matter of logic) he could not decide to not stand anywhere.

either i do or do not have to allow a person to stand on my property. the compensation idea seems to want to have it both ways, i.e., by maintaining that property rights are absolute, but also admitting there are certain instances where these rights are necessarily violated (albeit with restitution). you say that, providing the person compensates, then no rights are violated. but if no rights are violated, why is compensation necessary? would instead this be described as a “contract”? if not, what is it?

therefore, the specific details of “limited privilege” are interesting, and worth exploring, i think.

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 7:21 PM

Michael,

“The only thing I can figure is that our opponents expect guarantees and perfection from our theories. If they fall short, even just a little bit, that becomes a justification for them to reject them completely, and to hold on to their own preferred theories.”

you seem to accept my objection may have at the least *some* weight, while Sasha does not. my original purpose was to see what differences exists between anarcho-capitalists’ rejections of such objections, and the extent to which this is important. perhaps you agree with Sasha, perhaps not.

i am, of course, not suggesting that we abandon the theory. i am merely pointing to a potential point in need of clarification. some contemporary political theorists attempt to get around what they see as a problem (the one i stated), claiming for example that full self-ownership be combined with some egalitarian world-ownership. i do not think this is possible, of course. nevertheless, their failure does mean that my original objection does not stand.

it’s an interesting issue though, right?

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 7:37 PM

Sasha/ste,

To reply to both of your critiques–does not the right to expel someone from your justly owned property presuppose that there is a location to which that person could be justly expelled?

Also, in reference to Sasha’s example of the parents kicking their child out of the house at 18–a la Rothbard, Hoppe, Kinsella, et al, a child becomes a fully realized self-owner when they express their objective link to their own body by moving/running away. If the parents have been the childs’ caretakers/trustees for 18-years, and they all of a sudden decide they want to rid themselves of this person, they can abrogate their status as caretaker/trustees to which end the child can then choose to express their objective link and move out or, failing that, the title of caretaker/trustee can be taken over by whomever has the next best link (family, etc). At any rate, the child is not a trespasser by mere parental decree.

Posted by: Jordan at March 13, 2007 7:55 PM

Jordan,

well, does it? what are the implications of there not being such a location?

Posted by: ste at March 13, 2007 8:13 PM

Jordan,

we cannot talk about any “child” after the person reaches certain age and it is not anyone’s responsibility to continue to support him and feed him. If, however, that child had a certain autonomy on his parents land, where he worked, made improvements, and lived in separate “quarters” – you may argue that he established an adverse possession and that he can’t be kicked out of there.

—-

Ste,

You are mistaken. My emphasis did not neglect the property owner in your scenario – I quite clearly addressed his rights.

In case that someone uses your property out of necessity (not by intentional trespass) – you will have a claim on compensation from this user. Your rights will only be violated if he refuses to pay – but that theft can happen in any system and it is completely irrelevant to our discussion on anarcho-capitalism.

But I am concerned about your another statement. You said:
“you say that, providing the person compensates, then no rights are violated. but if no rights are violated, why is compensation necessary?”

Why is compensation necessary when you finish your dinner at a restaurant? You used someone good and service and you owe for it. Only if you refuse to pay you committed a theft. In case of necessity, we don’t talk about an “implied contract” but about the exercise of substantive self-ownership, which is absolute and precedes property rights – but do not conflict with other person’s rights (as long as the owner of used property gets compensated).

Due to your unfair objections, I don’t give much weight to your argument. Specific details of “necessity” are worth of exploring to you, because we talk about principles present even in Roman law, yet you completely disregarded them in your initial assumptions.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 8:53 PM

the objection is not meaningless, and is certainly not akin to saying 2 + 2 = 5, because it is possible that the situation i described can exist, without any assumption of aggression on anyone’s part.

What do you mean by “possible”? You mean you can imagine a world in which that situation obtains, in the same way you can imagine a world in which the speed of light is 17mph? Or do you mean it’s actually a possibility in this real world? Because if you mean the latter, you’re wrong. And if you mean the former, it is indeed meaningless.

Posted by: Peter at March 13, 2007 8:59 PM

Sasha: “Someone like me have parents with property (where I lived until I turned 18), but what if they kicked me out of there? Now imagine a hypothetical world in which everything is privatized and I don’t have anyone’s invitation to live on their property (Ste’s scenario). What then?

My response to Ste was: In the anarcho-capitalist world, I would have a limited privilege of necessity to obtain food and shelter, but I would have to compensate the owners… My aggression against owners (refusal to pay) is not presupposed.”

Yeah–someone so unliked, so despicable, such a loser, that their own parent kick them out, they have no friends they can stay with, no charitable groups they can avail themselves of, no job with their own income–such a person is likely to be able to pay compensation for trespass, right? Uh, yeah.

Posted by: Stephan Kinsella at March 13, 2007 9:07 PM

Dr. Kinsella,

Inability to pay does not excuse anyone from legal liability. Such person still owes his body and ability to do at least some kind of labor (any form of useful labor, as demonstrated by the ability to get on someone’s property and feed himself). It is up to the owner to decide whether to forgive a poor person – not up to the legals system.

Regards.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 9:14 PM

Will shop-owners rights be violated if I take their food in order to sustain my life? NOT NECESSARILY. Only if I refuse to pay them at the later time – that would constitute a violation! And trust me: anarcho-capitalism would sanction these violations.

Of course the violation occurs at the time you take the food. Paying for it after the fact is restitutive punishment. (Regarding your earlier post, about a shipwrecked man washing up on a private island, I can’t for the life of me see how he owes the owner anything for that)

[Also note that you’re using the word “sanction” in an unusual way. The normal meaning is “allow” or “approve of”; confusingly, it is sometimes used to mean “punish” recently, which is apparently what you mean, but it’d make a lot more sense if you said “anarcho-capitalism would NOT sanction these violations” (not that it actually makes any sense either way: anarcho-capitalism is a concept, concepts don’t give approval to actions)]

Posted by: Peter at March 13, 2007 9:21 PM

Peter,

OK. You violate rights of restaurant owner when you eat your dinner there – and your payment for it is “restitutive” punishment.

Of course I’m joking, but you demonstrated your ignorance of basic legal concept. If “necessity” was in fact violation, a person would not only owe for something he used, but he would also pay PUNITIVE damages. No such thing exists… sorry.

Also note that a legal definition of “sanction” is “embargo” or “punishment” – hence the term “legal sanction.” I agree that if somebody fell from Mars, he would find my use of term “sanction” unusual. I did not talk about Latin or Indo-European root of this word.

When I say that anarcho-capitalism would not sanction something, I refer to people under such order – which is also clear to everyone.

Thanks for your contribution. Regards.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 13, 2007 9:33 PM

OK. You violate rights of restaurant owner when you eat your dinner there – and your payment for it is “restitutive” punishment.

If the owner doesn’t want to serve you, that would be true. Otherwise, you’re eating there on the understanding that you’ll be paying for it (or someone will), not just taking the food.

If “necessity” was in fact violation, a person would not only owe for something he used, but he would also pay PUNITIVE damages.

It’s certainly a possibility.

Also note that a legal definition of “sanction” is “embargo” or “punishment” – hence the term “legal sanction.”

The term “legal sanction” means exactly the opposite of what you say: legal approval to do something, not punishment. E.g., the first hit on Google, an article entitled “Bush administration seeks legal sanction for torture” – means Bush wants approval to use torture, not that Bush wants to be punished.

Posted by: Peter at March 14, 2007 2:03 AM

Life and self-ownership

Mark Humphrey “I don’t want to precipitate trench warfare with devoted Rothbardians, but I strongly suspect that Rothbard owed his insight about “life as the standard of moral value” to Ayn Rand. I can’t prove this, of course. Sadly, in “The Ethics of Liberty”, (published in the early Eighties) Rothbard chose to, in a sense, blacklist Rand by claiming that NO ONE, other than himself, in the libertarian movement was working to develope a system of rationally defensible ethics. (Maybe Rothbard meant “at the moment I am writing this statement”.)”

Björn That life is an axiomatic value and functions “as the standard of moral value” in an ethical system, Rothbard could, alternatively for example, have gotten this insight from Mises himself through analyzing his statement in his book, “Human Action”, page 11:

“We may say that action is the manifestation of a man’s will.”

http://www.mises.org/humanaction/chap1sec1.asp

I am not saying that Rothbard did get his insight from Mises; I am only saying that it was possible. Surely, many other possibilities exist which we do not know anything about.

Mark Humphrey “It has been awhile since I’ve read Hoppe, and Rothbard; but I suspect Hoppe’s reasoning goes: either we all own ourselves, or everyone owns everyone else. Since the first proposition is clearly more defensible than the latter absurd proposition, one can affirm self ownership as valid. But if this is the argument, it fails. For that argument assumes that which it sets out to prove, namely that an ethical concept, “ownership”, exists. But on this basis, ownership remains unproven, so that one could just as well assert: “no one owns anything, and anything goes.””

Björn Self-ownership is a natural fact, since a man in his very nature controls his own mind and body (natural disposition), that is, he is a natural self-owner of his own will and person (having a free will) and if this was not true, neither could he effectively control any property and, therefore, not own it. In other words; “nothing could control and own something”.

Naturally, praxeology the science of human action, by itself logically confirms the natural fact of self-ownership, since praxeology is based upon “the acting man consciously intending to improve his own satisfaction” and I quote from answers.com:

“From praxeology Mises derived the idea that every conscious action is intended to improve a person’s satisfaction. He was careful to stress that praxeology is not concerned with the individual’s definition of end satisfaction, just the way he sought that satisfaction. The way in which a person will increase his satisfaction is by removing a source of dissatisfaction. As the future is uncertain so every action is speculative.

An acting man is defined as one capable of logical thought — to be otherwise would be to make one a mere creature who simply reacts to stimuli by instinct. Similarly an acting man must have a source of dissatisfaction which he believes capable of removing, otherwise he cannot act.

Another conclusion that Mises reached was that decisions are made on an ordinal basis. That is, it is impossible to carry out more than one action at once, the conscious mind being only capable of one decision at a time — even if those decisions can be made in rapid order. Thus man will act to remove the most pressing source of dissatisfaction first and then move to the next most pressing source of dissatisfaction.

As a person satisfies his first most important goal and after that his second most important goal then his second most important goal is always less important than his first most important goal. Thus, for every further goal reached, his satisfaction, or utility, is lessened from the preceding goal. This is the rule of diminishing marginal utility.

In human society many actions will be trading activities where one person regards a possession of another person as more desirable than one of his own possessions, and the other person has a similar higher regard for his colleague’s possession than he does for his own. This subject of praxeology is known as catallactics, and is the more commonly accepted realm of economics.”

http://www.answers.com/Praxeology?gwp=11&ver;=2.0.1.458&method;=3

Further:

The Ethics of Liberty, page 45:

Footnote:

“[1]Professor George Mavrodes, of the department of philosophy of the University of Michigan, objects that there is another logical alternative: namely, “that no one owns anybody, either himself or anyone else, nor any share of anybody.” However, since ownership signifies range of control, this would mean that no one would be able to do anything, and the human race would quickly vanish.”

http://www.mises.org/rothbard/ethics/eight.asp

Or in my own words from the essay “Normative principles”:

“Why must anybody own anything?

In accordance with our objective test to find out if something is a condition for something else, we grasp a state of things where the following principle is none existent anywhere and at all:

“Everybody owns themselves and their Justly owned property rights”.

Nobody would be able to do anything, since nobody has the right to control anything. Not even themselves (see below about property rights in your own person).

This question is not only a contradiction it is also silly. You ask a question which means that you control yourselves (natural disposition), that is owning yourself (see below the excellent writing of Hans-Hermann Hoppe). The other contradiction is that if nobody would own anything, nobody would be able to hinder anyone to own anything either since they would otherwise have an invalid control (having the disposition to) of everyone else, that is having an invalid ownership to everybody else (see below about valid property rights in your own person).

Ownership itself is, therefore, an objective condition for the preservation of human life.”

http://normativeprinciples.blogspot.com/2006/12/normative-principles-pure-free-market_10.html

 

An Animated Introduction to the Philosophy of Liberty:

http://www.isil.org/resources/introduction.html

The animation in full-sized window:

http://www.isil.org/resources/introduction.swf

 

Björn Lundahl
Göteborg, Sweden

 

Posted by: Björn Lundahl at March 14, 2007 3:28 AM

Peter,

You say: “Otherwise, you’re eating there on the understanding that you’ll be paying for it (or someone will), not just taking the food.

But that is also true of “necessity.” You are eating in order to survive, exercising substantive self-ownership, understanding that you will pay for it.

Coming from the legal definition of “violation” – you cannot say that you must commit it in case of pure necessity, when you acknowledge that you will pay for it. Anarcho-capitalism might hypothetically and unlikely lead to a situation in which a particular person will not have any means for producing his own food – but that does not mean that this person’s act out of necessity can ever be viewed as unlawful and forceful (violation) as long this party does not refuse the responsibility to compensate the owner. There can be no punitive damages when it comes to necessity.

I accept your concerns, but for the most part they were unnecessary.

PS
[As far as term “sanction” goes, it has different meanings and people will understand me from my context, rather than “google”. English has a few other words that can refer to opposites, such as the verbs dust (meaning both “to remove dust from” and “to put dust on”) and trim (meaning both “to cut something away” and “to add something as an ornament”).]

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 14, 2007 8:36 AM

So the last line of defense of anarcho-communism has been reduced to a false assumption that anarcho-capitalism could hypothetically lead to world which is so subdivided that there is no land on which a proletariats (people who own nothing but themselves) can establish an adverse possession or homesteading. But even if this happens – it does not mean that these proletarians will automatically commit any violation if they act out of pure necessity. Dr. Kinsella’s objection that proletarians have no wealth to pay any compensation does not hold – as long as proletarians own themselves (and their body as a valued mean of production).

Communists logically failed and their alternative plan to argue universal co-ownership of the world’s resources was effectively debunked by Rothbard and Hoppe.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 14, 2007 10:41 AM

Sasha,

“But even if this happens – it does not mean that these proletarians will automatically commit any violation if they act out of pure necessity.”

i still think you are ignoring my point. how can non-violation rest on the person agreeing to compensate? as Stephan Kinsella pointed out, it is very possible that the person cannot or will not compensate. but this i think comes after the point at which the objection strikes. i assume that Stephan does not agree with my objection, but this does not necessarily follow from his comment. also, you seem to have some disagreements with Peter now, despite you both disagreeing with me. this is yet more evidence for me of the importance of how anarcho-capitalists successfully refute objections such as the one i raise.

as i already asked, how are you to deny the logical necessity of trespass that pertains when all property owners justly refuse access? in this sense rights are not compossible (all realisable without violation), and herein lies the objection. do you agree that *this* sense of ‘necessity’ is very different to the one used if the person CHOOSES to eat the food of someone else in order to survive?

Posted by: ste at March 14, 2007 11:47 AM

Ste,

My initial impression is that yes, it does pre-suppose that there is either a location to which that person owns or has contracted to reside, or a location to which entry is assumed to be allowed (a “public” place, in the non-governmental sense). I imagine that this scenario only comes up in very primitive, limited cases (if ever) and that in the real world, there would always be a place for the non-landowner to legally stand.

That’s just my initial impression, however. I haven’t given it a lot of thought–In a moment of haste, I’ve thought 53 and 28 made 71 as well…

Posted by: Jordan at March 14, 2007 12:49 PM

I’ve got to agree with Peter, Sasha. It’s quite different for a restaurant to allow you to order and eat with the expectation that you’ll pay at the end of the dinner than it is to have somebody trespass out of necessity, and then pay compensation.

And I still have to go with “unlikely” on the trespass problem, simply because I’m not going to be absolutist and say it’s impossible when it’s possible but absurd. Still, I think the analogy to a restaurant is fair. Under what circumstances would a restaurant, from a high-class French joint to your local McDonald’s, deny a person to dine on their premises? Their whole raison d’etre is to sell their food/service to customers. There would be no good, rational reason to denying a thorougly unobjectionable person with the means to pay from dining. They would only reject him if they knew that he couldn’t pay, or he was a health risk (Typhoid Mary?), or he was a danger, or he was a known restaurant thief, or SOMETHING like that.

Land, of course, has various and sundry uses, and use as rental property is only one of them. But the same considerations apply, at least to landlords. They must have some good reason for denying someone on their property, not because I say so, but because they, like the restaurants, want to make money.

Thus, like I said, the circumstances of the situation matter. It might be entirely understandable, even to the most ardent anti-AC’er, why some particular person would not be legally allowed on people’s property. Without knowing the circumstances, it’s hard to make blanket, generalized statements that will be true.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 14, 2007 1:23 PM

Michael,

You didn’t surprise me with siding with Peter. You don’t understand that principle of necessity does not imply “violation” as long as you pay for your use. I only used the restaurant example, because in many cases people who don’t have money to pay in a restaurant – get a deal with the manager to wash the dishes and compensate him in that way. But in case of necessity, self-ownership (which cannot be exercised if you starve to death) will be protected – but the owner will be compensated (there will be no injured side).

—–

Ste,

I did not ignore any of your objections. Self-ownership is absolute, and property ownership is the only ethical way to exercise it.

You mentioned Dr. Kinsella’s objection that a person who act out of necessity perhaps will not be able to pay for his use. Hold on one second… There is nothing criminal about not being able to pay. How can you classify it as a “violation” then? “Violation” by its legal meaning is something criminal (check the definition) – and “necessity” can never be classified as such.

You also mention the possibility that the proletarian will refuse to pay for his use of someone else’s property. HOLD ON ONE SECOND! Such criminal act would be punishable in anarcho-capitalism, and such violations would occur in any system (except that socialism would legalize such unlawful acts). The fact that you point out such irrelevant nonsense only illustrates you lack of ideas.

Despite of disagreements from some people here, they did not raise any valid objections to anarcho-capitalism. The only possible way to prove that self-ownership could theoretically create a conflict with property rights in anarcho-capitalism – is by claiming that use in case of necessity is a crime (implying that it would yield some punitive damages). Unfortunately for anarcho-communists, such assumption would be nothing but a lie.

You asked: “how are you to deny the logical necessity of trespass that pertains when all property owners justly refuse access?”

Who said I would do something so silly. Trespasses are always possible – and that’s how people obtain adverse possessions and easements. Anarcho-capitalists do not claim that they would eliminate trespass. We only claim that self-ownership would not be conflicted with property rights, because even necessity will be countered by liability compensation.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 14, 2007 6:04 PM

I merely agreed with Peter that there’s a difference between a common expectation and an unexpected use, such as an emergency or crisis situation.

I think that the idea of necessity has validity under certain, limited circumstances, but
I’m not sure if the land example would be such an application, given the lack of circumstancial evidence.

Posted by: Michael A. Clem at March 14, 2007 6:36 PM

There was actually no need to create such absurd scenario in which there is no space for adverse possession of a proletarian…

Ste could have created a more realistic example in which one parcel of unfertile land is completely surrounded by its neighbors’ land. According to an ignorant view of anarcho-capitalism, this person will starve to death, unless he commits a “violation” against his neighbors. However, there is such a thing called “easement” or “right-of-way,” which will allow to this person to leave his property – but he will in turn have to compensate his neighbor(s). So we cannot talk about “violations,” when we talk about non-criminal exercise of self-ownership rights – and compensation for such use of someone else’s property. Accidents (unintentional trespasses) cannot be called “violations” in legal terms (anarcho-capitalism would not eliminate accidents against property of others, either), but this fact does not mean that a victim of an accident would not be entitled to a compensation.

Anarcho-communist simply doesn’t have a valid objection and they can’t find a contradiction in our views – as long as we insist on compensation for any property use, even if such use is absolutely necessary. Roman law, from the Twelve Tables to the Theodosian Code and the Justinian Corpus, recognized the right of private property as near absolute. Property stemmed from unchallenged possession…
– BUT prior usage always established easements and necessity yielded limited privileges. In either case, owners would not be uncompensated. Is the objection to anarcho-capitalism reduced to the statement that in perfectly privatized world we would not be able to eradicate the principles of privileged necessity and easements? Well, thank dear God that we would not get rid of these wonderful principles – even if only 1% of the world was privatized.

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 14, 2007 7:22 PM

But that is also true of “necessity.” You are eating in order to survive, exercising substantive self-ownership, understanding that you will pay for it.

In the case of the ordinary diner at the restaurant, you could consider it a (very short term) credit situation; but for the guy claiming “necessity”, the restaurateur hasn’t agreed to extend credit. You say “understanding that you will pay for it” – but how much is he expected to pay? The restaurateur doesn’t want to serve him. Or maybe he could say “fine, you can eat here, but all the menu prices will be in units of $1000 instead of $1” – if he decides to walk away and then take the food anyway and claim “necessity”, would you have him pay the replacement cost for the food, the menu price, the menu price multiplied by 1000, or what? No; there’s no question he’s stealing in this situation, regardless of any willingness/intent to pay – the restaurant owner could demand “punitive damages” (“two eyes for an eye”), but if the theft was “necessary” I’d expect the owner who did so to come under fire (figuratively, not literally) from the majority of his customer base.

Posted by: Peter at March 14, 2007 7:25 PM

Peter,

You can say that eating somewhere out of necessity is a credit situation. While the restaurant owner can demand “punitive damages” against someone who eats and refuses to pay for the heck of it – someone who is in dire need cannot be liable for any punitive damage (no intent of wrongdoing), but he will be liable for the property he used.

You ask: how much a person owes to the owner? If the owner cannot reach an agreement with the user, it’s up to the courts to decide what would be expected compensation of regular customer (to determine how much would person in need pay if he had money in wallet).

Trying to compare “necessity” with theft is nonsensical. It can only be compared to unintentional trespass, since the person in need does not have a choice in his decision to use someone else’s property. In other words, anarcho-communists cannot prove that proletarians would be forced to become thieves by the virtue of self-ownership – even if the entire world was privatized and unwelcoming. As I said, the principle of limited privilege in case of necessity is like an easement for self-ownership right, which precedes all property.

It seems to me that libertarian-communists think that anarcho-capitalists are senseless bastards who would create an order in which some people could starve to death in the middle of unused paradise of wealth. They forget that our property theory includes concepts like adverse possession, necessity, and easement.

Like I said – even if only 1% of world was privatized, these principles would still hold for anarcho-capitalists. There is no need to imagine absurd scenarios like Ste’s (or Cohen’s).

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 14, 2007 9:30 PM

When it comes to those libertarian-communists who try to invent the arguments against anarcho-capitalism by playing devil’s advocate and pretend that they are concerned about property owners who could be theoretically placed in a “horrible” situation in which a proletarian is forced to cross over their property, while looking for a shelter – all I can say is this:
————————————————–

Dear advocates of the extinction of the mankind,

There is no need for you to invent absurd scenarios in which there is not even a single spot on which someone can find a land to establish his own adverse possession. Even a capitalist world with plenty of unused land that “waits” for homesteading will unavoidably have issues which you try to dishonestly exploit:
– Even if we had an entire new planet ready for settlement, here on Earth we will have private properties that get completely surrounded by other private properties — and they will need path to communicate with the outside world.
– Even in such world in which there is unused abundance of food, there will be shipwrecks, plane-crashes, or any case of dire poverty, which will force some people to use other people’s property in order to survive.
– There will always be possibility of car-crashes, accidents with weapons, people who loose direction, and other unintentional trespasses (accidents) against people’s property — as long as property exists.

Yes, private property rights necessarily leads to these situations, even if only a small portion of Earth was inhabited – but even in Roman times, law based on absolute protection of private property provided solutions for these situations. People who use their privilege of necessity in order to survive on someone else’s property, as well as people who use easement right to cross someone else’s property, will legally be liable to compensate the owner whose land they used. Law in anarcho-capitalism will not tolerate any injury to this owner.

However, this does not mean that law can guarantee that the person who owes compensation will have means to pay his debt. Debt default situation is possible in any system in which property exists – but the fact remains: the rightful owner will still have a legal claim and ownership of goods for which he awaits delivery. As long as indebted side owns his body and capability to work, there are ways in which this debt can be repaid.

So what’s the problem with this? If you seek to avoid theoretical possibility of accidental injuries to your body (for which you would be compensated) – simply kill yourself! If you want to be spared from someone crossing your property and paying you for that – abolish your right to any property (to control anything but your body) and simply starve to death! If you can’t cope with the fact that someone in dire need may use your property to survive – you can simply decide that we all co-own everything in this world, and don’t take another breath before you get permission from everyone — and simply starve to death. You see, anarcho-capitalism allows you to practice what you preach.

What anarcho-capitalism does not allow — is to use your property right to deny substantive property rights of someone else, but no one can cause any injury to your property without owing the adequate remedy for that action. Prior usage always establishes easement for which the other side will be compensated — and the oldest “prior usage” is self-ownership. No contradiction exists there.

Regards,

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at March 14, 2007 11:51 PM

I want to emphasise this regarding my above comment with the headline “Life and self-ownership”:

In a world without any property rights there wouldn’t be any property rights at all which, naturally, excludes any state or public property rights too.

That would mean that no one would have a right to anything not even to themselves.

Without any property rights the human race would quickly vanish.

This is a logical conclusion which can not, therefore, be refuted by empiricism.

Björn Lundahl

Posted by: Björn Lundahl at March 15, 2007 2:27 AM

This might instead be clearer:

Why must anybody own anything?

In accordance with our objective test to find out if something is a condition for something else, we grasp a state of things where the following principle is none existent anywhere and at all:

“The existence of property rights”:

In a world without any property rights nobody would be able to do anything, since nobody has the right to control anything. Not even themselves (see below about property rights in your own person).

This question is not only a contradiction it is also silly. You ask a question which means that you control yourselves (natural disposition), that is owning yourself (see below the excellent writing of Hans-Hermann Hoppe). The other contradiction is that if nobody would own anything, nobody would be able to hinder anyone to own anything either since they would otherwise have an invalid control (having the disposition to) of everyone else, that is having an invalid ownership to everybody else (see below about valid property rights in your own person).

Ownership itself is, therefore, an objective condition for the preservation of human life.

Please read some of Hans-Hermann Hoppe´s excellent writing from the book “The Ethics and Economics of Private Property”:

http://www.mises.org/etexts/hoppe5.pdf

And to:

ON THE ULTIMATE JUSTIFICATION OF THE ETHICS OF PRIVATE PROPERTY:

http://www.hanshoppe.com/publications/econ-ethics-10.pdf

Björn Lundahl

Posted by: Björn Lundahl at March 15, 2007 3:04 AM

Sasha,

You know, I’m still not convinced.

“If you want to be spared from someone crossing your property and paying you for that – abolish your right to any property (to control anything but your body) and simply starve to death! If you can’t cope with the fact that someone in dire need may use your property to survive – you can simply decide that we all co-own everything in this world, and don’t take another breath before you get permission from everyone — and simply starve to death. You see, anarcho-capitalism allows you to practice what you preach.”
Does absolute private property require that I allow someone to cross my property? Why can’t I shoot them dead? In any case, that was not my objection, which instead centred on certain necessary trespasses (see above posts). In Hillel Steiner’s words, the first come, first served ethic is incompossible. That is, that the mutual consistency of all the rights in the proposed set of rights is at least a necessary condition of that set being a possible one.

“What anarcho-capitalism does not allow — is to use your property right to deny substantive property rights of someone else, but no one can cause any injury to your property without owing the adequate remedy for that action. Prior usage always establishes easement for which the other side will be compensated — and the oldest “prior usage” is self-ownership. No contradiction exists there.”
Again, if adequate remedy is required, that would suggest a rights violation occurred. None of what I said implies the correctness of any other set of rights. Anyone else?

ste.

Posted by: ste at June 3, 2007 4:22 PM

STE said:

“Does absolute private property require that I allow someone to cross my property? Why can’t I shoot them dead? In any case, that was not my objection, which instead centred on certain necessary trespasses (see above posts). In Hillel Steiner’s words, the first come, first served ethic is incompossible. That is, that the mutual consistency of all the rights in the proposed set of rights is at least a necessary condition of that set being a possible one.”

You are confusing the issues here. Private property only stems from self-ownership rights, and you cannot violate this right of others even if they cross your private property. You cannot shoot someone dead just because he uses his easement rights in order to leave his own property and/or sustain his life. You also cannot “evict” a passenger from your airplane at 41000 feet, even if you don’t want him there at the moment. Hillel Steiner forgets that we have absolute self-ownership rights, while all other property serves as a mean of sustaining these rights. As H.H. Hoppe brilliantly showed, only Lockean principle of property acquisition is ethical and all other alternatives (when completely applied) would lead to the extinction of mankind.

Again, if adequate remedy is required, that would suggest a rights violation occurred. None of what I said implies the correctness of any other set of rights.”

Not true sir. Compensation for use of someone else’s property does not presuppose any “violation”. We can talk about violations only if a user refuses to compensate the owner for his use. Use of someone property is not a violation in itself.

Anyway, anarcho-capitalism includes the concepts of necessity and easement, simply because property rights are means of sustaining self-ownership — and these rights can never serve as a mean of violating someone else’s self-ownership.

Anyhow, the existence of easement and necessity rights do not prove any inconsistency or logical problem in anarcho-capitalism. Likewise, the fact that there will always be plane crashes or accidental entries on someone else’s property does not “prove” that there is any problem with the Lockean view of private property rights. Anyone else?

Posted by: Sasha Radeta at June 8, 2007 5:29 AM

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