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Kevin Carson on Confiscating Property from the Rich

On stupid and confused “thickism” see various posts under tag thickism, and Cory Massimino, “Libertarianism is More than Anti-Statism,” C4SS (April 8th, 2014).

A few years back, I had a disagreement with left-libertarian Kevin Carson who implied, I thought, that anyone who is “rich”—say, who earns more than $250k a year—earns his money illegitimately, by being part of the state’s exploiting class, and it would be just to confiscate his wealth. See, for example, our interchange in the comments thread to his C4SS post “I’ve Never Seen a Poor Person Give Anyone a Job”.

In some of his arguments (such as in this interview) he appeals to Rothbard for support. As far as I can tell, he is referring to Rothbard’s “Confiscation and the Homestead Principle,” from Libertarian Forum, vol. 1.6, June 15, 1969. Here Rothbard writes:

Let us now apply our libertarian theory of property to the case of property in the hands of, or derived from, the State apparatus. The libertarian sees the State as a giant gang of organized criminals, who live off the theft called “taxation” and use the proceeds to kill, enslave, and generally push people around. Therefore, any property in the hands of the State is in the hands of thieves, and should be liberated as quickly as possible. Any person or group who liberates such property, who confiscates or appropriates it from the State, is performing a virtuous act and a signal service to the cause of liberty. In the case of the State, furthermore, the victim is not readily identifiable as B, the horse-owner. All taxpayers, all draftees, all victims of the State have been mulcted. How to go about returning all this property to the taxpayers? What proportions should be used in this terrific tangle of robbery and injustice that we have all suffered at the hands of the State? Often, the most practical method of de-statizing is simply to grant the moral right of ownership on the person or group who seizes the property from the State. Of this group, the most morally deserving are the ones who are already using the property but who have no moral complicity in the State’s act of aggression. These people then become the “homesteaders” of the stolen property and hence the rightful owners.

Take, for example, the State universities. This is property built on funds stolen from the taxpayers. Since the State has not found or put into effect a way of returning ownership of this property to the taxpaying public, the proper owners of this university are the “homesteaders”, those who have already been using and therefore “mixing their labor” with the facilities. The prime consideration is to deprive the thief, in this case the State, as quickly as possible of the ownership and control of its ill-gotten gains, to return the property to the innocent, private sector. This means student and/or faculty ownership of the universities.

As between the two groups, the students have a prior claim, for the students have been paying at least some amount to support the university whereas the faculty suffer from the moral taint of living off State funds and thereby becoming to some extent a part of the State apparatus.

The same principle applies to nominally “private” property which really comes from the State as a result of zealous lobbying on behalf of the recipient. Columbia University, for example, which receives nearly two-thirds of its income from government, is only a “private” college in the most ironic sense. It deserves a similar fate of virtuous homesteading confiscation.

But if Columbia University, what of General Dynamics? What of the myriad of corporations which are integral parts of the military-industrial complex, which not only get over half or sometimes virtually all their revenue from the government but also participate in mass murder? What are their credentials to “private” property? Surely less than zero. As eager lobbyists for these contracts and subsidies, as co-founders of the garrison state, they deserve confiscation and reversion of their property to the genuine private sector as rapidly as possible. To say that their “private” property must be respected is to say that the property stolen by the horsethief and the murdered [sic] must be “respected”.

[See also Rothbard on the “Original Sin” in Land Titles: 1969 vs. 1974; Murray N. Rothbard, “Confiscation and the Homestead Principle (1969),” Panarchy; Jeff Deist, “Rothbard on Slavery Reparations,” Power & Market (July 12, 2019)]

But of course Rothbard later implicitly repudiated these views, as can be seen in his 1974 article “Justice and Property Rights,” as I’ve explained in Justice and Property Rights: Rothbard on Scarcity, Property, Contracts.

Anyway, if there was any doubt about Carson’s views, which I inferred from his previous writing as made clear in our discussion of the $250k issue, there can be little doubt now: in a recent Facebook post, leftish libertarian Nick Manley posted this from an email interchange with Carson:

“A not 100 percent converted but sympathetic radical leftist I know who respects your work and C4SS wants to know if you favor the kind of direct confiscation of state capitalist or capitalist property say Rothbard advocated in Confiscation and the Homestead principle. He seems to think you have a more Tuckerite “freed markets will solve it” attitude.”

Kevin Carson responded with:

“Oh, I’m totally in favor of confiscating it, at least if the actual occupation is carried out from below (e.g. by tenants, landless people or radical unions). No reason to wait for the market to take care of it. Given the near 100% of Fortune 500 corporations that are only in the black because of economic rents or environmental cost externalization, I’d be happy to treat all those companies as proxies for the state capitalist sector just for starters.”

For more, see:

Update:

I loved PorcFest. Some people there i talked to wondered why I’m so anti-left-libetarian.

How about this, where Kevin Carson calls for BEHEADING cable company executives:

“Rather than net neutrality, I would far prefer a genuine free market reform based on removing all those privileges. I’d remove all legal restrictions on cheaper, higher quality wireless competition from municipal fiber-optic infrastructure — preferably with the local wireless service run as a consumer cooperative rather than by government. I’d also let ratepayers take back that $200 billion they were robbed of in the form of muni wireless cooperative equity in the telecom companies. Or maybe just seize the fiber optic infrastructure from Verizon, Comcast et al and march the boys in the C-suites to the guillotine — that’s always an option, too.”

https://c4ss.org/content/36145

Here’s another juicy nugget:

http://c4ss.org/content/37218
“I for one am not interested in working through the state to impose a higher minimum wage. I think workers, acting through grassroots labor campaigns and direct action, should hit employers so hard that they beg government to protect them from us.””

And another: Carson arguing anyone making $250k is a parasite – https://c4ss.org/content/4018 . [The comments for this are now deleted, either out of incompetence or cowardice, so see below, from the archive]

 

C4SS.ORG
In an article I wrote several years ago (“Free Market Reforms and the Reduction of Statism,” The Freeman, Sept. 1, 2008), I stated some principles that are relevant to the current debate on “net neutrality”: Some forms of state intervention are primary. They involve the privileges, subsidies, and ot…
***
Carson arguing anyone making $250k is a parasite – https://c4ss.org/content/4018 . From the archived comments:

“I’ve Never Seen a Poor Person Give Anyone a Job”

Posted by Kevin Carson on Sep 16, 2010 in Commentary • 35 comments

“I’ve never seen a poor person give anyone a job.”  The cliche is commonly repeated on the Right, in polemics against what they call “class warfare” — not that there’s actually much of it being waged by Democrats, except when they’re fighting on the same side as the Republicans.  See also “Big corporations give people jobs.” It’s a really stupid argument, if you can even dignify it by using that word.

In every society in human history, the class that controls access to the means of production and subsistence, and hence controls access to productive work, is the class that provides whatever “jobs” exist.

Suppose some follower of Milton Friedman in the old Soviet Union thirty years ago had criticized their system of state-owned industry and central planning, and waged “class warfare” against the state managerial bureaucrats and planners.  An apologist for that system could have said — with just as much truth as his American counterpart defending big business — “it’s state industry that provides all the jobs.” A Russian counterpart of Newt Gingrich or Dick Armey could have ridiculed the “class warfare” of people who “want jobs but criticize the state industrial managers who provide them.”

A member of the landed nobility in France seven hundred years ago could have said, with as much justice as his American counterpart, “It’s the great landlords who provide the peasants with land to work to feed themselves.”

All of these “arguments” accept existing distributions of property and power as a matter of course, with no regard to whether or not they came about in a just manner.

The state, by its nature, is the instrument by which some ruling class extracts rents from the labor of the productive classes.  In every society in history since the rise of the state, the state has been controlled by some class that uses it as an instrument for living at the expense of the productive majority.

Modern capitalism is a huge advance on previous class systems in two ways. First, the ruling class has figured out how to allow just enough economic freedom to the producing classes to maximize the rent it can skim off the top.

Second, it leaves its predecessors in the dust when it comes to the kind of ideological legerdemain used to legitimize it in the eyes of its subjects.

In previous systems of class rule, like chattel slavery and manorialism, the exploitative relationship between the ruling class was maintained by direct coercion. There was no doubt in the mind of the slave or serf that he was on the weak end of a power relationship with those for whom he worked.

Modern capitalism, on the other hand, falsely masquerades as a “free market,” presenting the appearance of a neutral set of general laws that governs relations between free and independent contractors. But the appearance of a neutral legal framework is a lot like one of those old mechanical chess-playing machines, in which the “machinery” really consisted of a dwarf on the inside moving the levers.

The “neutral” rules of corporate capitalism are not neutral at all.  They’re rigged to ensure that the house wins the overwhelming majority of the time. Modern capitalism was founded on the expropriation of the peasant majority’s land; to the present day the largest tracts of land are held pursuant to political title rather than homesteading by individual  labor, and the great majority of vacant land has been politically appropriated and held out of use.  Through legal barriers to competition in the supply of credit, through so-called “intellectual property” law, and through assorted regulations that impose entry barriers to competition, the state enables a privileged class of owners to control access to natural  opportunities and collect rents from artificial scarcity.

As Hagbard Celine, one of the characters in R.A. Wilson’s Illuminatus! Trilogy put it, when a series of apparently “equal exchanges” all result in what seems to be a predetermined result, “a mathematically smooth function, a steady profit accruing to one group and an equally steady loss accumulating for all others,” it’s a fair bet “the system is not free or random” after all.  Rather, background rules of the marketplace are set so that A and B “do not bargain as equals.  A bargains from a position of state-granted privilege; hence, he always profits and B always loses.”

Capitalism, Wilson says elsewhere, is “that organization of society, incorporating elements of tax, usury, landlordism, and tariff, which thus denies the Free Market while pretending to exemplify it.” Capitalists occupy a position under capitalism analogous to that occupied by the great landlords under the Old Regime.

Or in Celine’s words:  “There is no more Free Market here than there is on the other side of the Iron Curtain …”

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C4SS Research Associate Kevin Carson is a contemporary mutualist author and individualist anarchist whose written work includes Studies in Mutualist Political EconomyOrganization Theory: A Libertarian Perspective, and The Homebrew Industrial Revolution: A Low-Overhead Manifesto, all of which are freely available online. Carson has also written for such print publications as The Freeman: Ideas on Liberty and a variety of internet-based journals and blogs, including Just Things, The Art of the Possible, the P2P Foundation and his own Mutualist Blog.

COMMENTS (35)

I agree with most of everything you said here. But I’m curious, are you for extending the “Bush tax cuts” or not?
In the context of how “extending the Bush tax cuts” is argued in the media (as Steven Handel suggests), it’s claimed by the Republicans that keeping the cuts unchanged is giving us the highest number of private sector jobs possible, other factors being equal. Obama may argue that middle class small businesses employ more people per dollar than the top tax bracket plutocrats. That assertion is similar to a Reagan era 1981 NSF study I quoted in an article long ago, favorably comparing small business innovation per R&D dollar to big business. This point has nothing to do with taxation being theft, of course.
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skunk1980's avatar

skunk1980· 50 weeks ago

I think the sentiment of this article is quite correct though the final quote is off (just give it 5-15yrs though).

Mr. Carson, how would you respond to individuals that self-identify as capitalists and say something like: “Taxation, tariffs, trade blocs, central banking, etc — that’s not capitalism; that’s cronyism, corporatism, and socialism. What we have now is not true capitalism and frankly we have never quite had it.”? In other words, some individuals effectively hold the true meaning of the word capitalism to be synonymous with free market. How might you respond to this? Consider an entire article on the subject as, after all, right wing anarchism is on the rise.

Steve: I couldn’t very well oppose it and be consistent in principle with my opposition to expanding the state. And there’s probably some fraction of income over $250k that was really earned through hard work and enterpreneurship.

If Obama’s cutoff point were, say, extending the tax cuts for everyone below $5 million, that might be a bit less clearcut for me because at that level the probability that anyone made over that amount of money through non-political means approaches zero. But even then, it would be going to a state whose main purpose is to prop up the present state capitalist structure.

I’ll definitely say extending tax cuts to the top 2% is near the bottom of my list of things to expend effort lobbying for, however.

skunk1980: I’ve got no quarrel with those who want to use the c-word for a free market. But I think there’s some value to reserving it to the actually-existing system of historic capitalism, the same way chattel slavery and feudalism/manorialism were used in reference to actual historic social systems rather than to idealized models. That’s especially true given that “capitalism” was first used mainly by radicals who used it in the sense of a system run in the interest of capitalists, and who emphasized its continuities with earlier social systems.

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skunk1980's avatar

skunk1980· 50 weeks ago

Thank you for the reply. This makes sense what you say. So we might want to ditch capitalism as an identifier and affiliative term because historically it has always been bed buddies with the State. That is strangely practical for an anarchist.

I find myself in so much double talk. Depending on the crowd I either approve or disapprove of both capitalism and socialism. This is obnoxious. But even the term “free market” is tainted. What is one to do?

Kevin,

Or in Celine’s words: “There is no more Free Market here than there is on the other side of the Iron Curtain …”

With lines like this, not the first time I’ve seen equation, I’m starting to think you’ve lost the ability to meaningfully distinguish between US state-managed capitalism and Soviet communism…..

In previous systems of class rule, like chattel slavery and manorialism, the exploitative relationship between the ruling class was maintained by direct coercion. There was no doubt in the mind of the slave or serf that he was on the weak end of a power relationship with those for whom he worked.

Just one thing: before the Renaissance, those weren’t “systems of class rule”. Looking at things that way is the vulgar historical error of interpreting the past as though it actually used the current systems with which we are familiar, rather like interpreting other countries’ and cultures’ customs as analogues of our own. To be sure, we can interpret things like chattel slavery and manorialism as giving rise to classes – but they weren’t, themselves, the product of class mechanisms the way (say) US slavery was perpetuated by a framework that the slave owning class actively fostered. Rather, slavery in ancient times was generated by clan and family systems (ranging up to tribal ones), and manorialism was likewise done locally by local wealthy and/or warlike small groups (the mediaeval European aristocracy is traceable back to a fusion and synthesis of barbarian warlords and late Roman wealthy magnates) – none of which rested on any wide ranging class, though it did eventually lead to a stratification that produced one.

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Paul's avatar

Paul· 50 weeks ago

Kevin, speaking of tax policy, what are your thoughts on the Fair Tax proposal? It seems to me that a national sales tax would be difficult to enforce against the informal economy, which would provide an important advantage.

I have difficulty in thinking about whether such policies would be net positives in light of their effects on what you call the competitive sector of the economy. From my understanding, these are the enterprises and markets which are formal in the sense that they operate by the rules of the legal system, but which receive relatively few advantages/protections from the state (and presumably come out as net “losers” to the “house” to use your analogy).

What is the outlook for this sector? Would increasing regulatory burdens on the competitive sector be helpful in forcing more of them to go informal?

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Jeff's avatar

Jeff· 50 weeks ago

Hi Kevin,

I enjoyed the thought-provoking read. Something that bothers me about your vision of modern American capitalism is that it seems to ignore the meritocratic aspects of our system, which allow for anyone who works hard enough to become a “newly minted” member of the ruling class. So many of our business leaders come from very humble beginnings, as well as lawyers, judges, doctors, politicians, etc. To downplay or disregard this fact is to ignore something fundamental and unique about the American system, and it is contrary to your dichotomy of scheming ruling class vs enslaved producing class.

Jeff

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Paul Z's avatar

Paul Z· 50 weeks ago

@ Jeff – nothing unique about the ‘meritocratic aspects of our system’. Lots of folks from ‘very humble beginnings’ in the Soviet Union or Nazi Germany or just about anywhere else you care to look, have worked hard and made sacrifices and became members of the ruling class.
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SPBS's avatar

SPBS· 50 weeks ago

@ skunk1980

I’ll probably catch hell for typing this, but here goes…

I have a fundamental problem with the word “capitalism” because it is fundamentally against truly free, natural, or “organic” markets. If I have a system that favors, explicitly or implicitly (even just by name) one of the economic factors of production over the other, I don’t have a true free moving market. (More modern attempts to support capitalism by defining it as a “system where the factors of production are privately held” and then including labor as one of those privately held factors included within capital are a convoluted mess as the necessary distinctions between factors are obscured).

While I enjoy much of the writing on C4SS, it tabs itself as a “market anarchist” site and I see the same problem in that. Markets don’t deserve any additional favor in an anarchist scheme. If anarchism is about getting rid of hierarchy and control, what do markets have to do with that in a fundamental way? Free markets may be a product of a functioning anarchist society, as well as an aiding factor, but markets are not more fundamental than the family, or homestead, or individual. In fact, they are the products of those. It is confusing a secondary phenomena for a primary phenomena.

Likewise, when people say that markets are the most democratic interaction, when freed, this is also confused to me. Markets are not more democratic than the other ways we encounter and interact with each other – friendship, love, concern, and laughter are more democratic and more fundamental – in fact these drive the markets as our needs that give cause to pursuing the obtainments of markets; from our base necessity needs of food, shelter, etc., to these higher level needs.

Our economic worldview has just been elevated too much.

SPBS: From the writings of Charles Johnson and Roderick Long, I would say the word market is more encompassing than what you seem to think. You should try this by Johnson:

http://radgeek.com/gt/2010/05/07/free-market-anti…

It seems like you have the cash-nexus definition in mind, whereas they think of the free exchange one.

Paul: It seems to me that, for the people actually paying it, the Fair Tax would amount to a shift of the tax burden onto the middle class. It’s part of a wider phenomenon of shifting taxes off of returns on property and onto returns on human labor.

Jeff, check out this comment re meritocracy:
http://mutualist.blogspot.com/2007/01/you-dont-ge…

Aside from the fallacies of composition I discuss in that piece, another major objection to meritocracy is that the shape of the ladder itself is unjust. See, for example, Christopher Lasch’s discussion of Lincoln on the “mudsill theory” in Revolt of the Elites. To a considerable extent, the system imposes unnecessary levels of credentialling to do anything, puts a floor under the cost of subsistence by artificially increasing the amount of effort required for a given unit of consumption–and then tells people that if they work hard enough, they can make it. The problem is, the people who are deciding how hard we have to work to make it are not accountable to us.

SPBS: What Marcel said. Left-wing market anarchists use the term “market” to include not just the cash nexus or the market as an economic institution, but the sum total of all voluntary interactions. To the extent that “market” carries primarily economic connotations for most people, this may be unfortunate. But most of us are quite friendly to the kinds of institutions that Kropotkin and Colin Ward described.

Another home run from Carson.

In my debates with economic conservatives who make these kinds of arguments, I’ve found it helpful to make a sharp distinction between meritocracy and egalitarianism, and between natural or voluntary hierarchies and artificial or coercive ones.

For instance, I agree with conservatives who emphasize individual merit over equality for its own sake, but I would agree with Kevin that present systems of state-capitalism are not genuinely meritocratic economic arrangements. Instead, the game is rigged to favor the house, i.e. vested economic interests possessing the subsidy of history and political favoritism achieved through alliance with the state.

Many of you will likely disagree with me on this, but I would argue the purpose of libertarianism/anarchism should be to strip away systems of artificial economic privilege imposed by the state in favor of a genuine meritocracy. The (ostensible) ideal of the classical liberal tradition and The American Way was for such systems of caste-privilege to be replaced with a fluid system where everyone rises or falls by his own merits. In a contemporary context, this would mean eliminating the systems of monopoly Kevin writes about like central banking from the top or local zoning laws from the bottom, which are more or less the modern equivalent of eliminating titles of primogeniture or systems of enclosure.

However, I think that to ever get anywhere with mainstream conservatives or libertarians who claim to be free market, it is necessary to concede that in such a genuine meritocracy, there would still be plenty of un-meritorious people. On an individual level, I don’t think there can ever be equality between the wise and the foolish, the intelligent and the stupid, the creative and the dull, the strong and the weak, the healthy and the sick, the educated and the ignorant, the responsible and the reckless, the sober and the drunk or addicted, etc. This is the most serious deficiency of egalitarianism, in my opinion. I know plenty of people whom I’m sure would be deadbeats and losers in any kind of society or economic system.

Also, I think there would still be winners and losers among economic enterprises in a genuine free market as well. Some businesses would be successful, and others would fail. Some would endure for a long time, others would have a shorter lifespan. That would be true of enterprises regardless of their ideological foundations or specific structures. Some anarcho-communist communes might be successful. I know of one about an hour from my residence. Others might fail. Some of the Israeli kibbutzim are more successful than others, and some of you would likely be very dismayed to know that the more successful ones tend to have a strong sense of religious or ethnic identity. Some mutual banks would succeed, some would fail, etc.

As a consequence, some people would have more wealth than others, as would certain businesses or social groups. We might not have the super-rich of the present plutocratic order, and there may be fewer desperately poor, and a larger petite bourgeoisie class and all that, but I still think there would be an elite class, an intellectual class, a professional class, a merchant class, a working class, an agricultural farming class, a lumpen proletarian class, and so forth. Every functional society since Aristotle’s time (or before) has been organized that way.

There would also be a hierarchy according to ability and training. A hospital is still going to rank neurosurgeons over candystripers and janitors. A university is going to (hopefully) rank professors over freshmen. There would also be inequality among social groups. For instance, in my view at least, males and females have different biological destinies and therefore different social destinies. Both sexes should have the same
ights in a legal and political sense, but the idea of equality (which is really just a synonym for sameness) that modern leftists dream of is an impossibility. As Rothbard said, egalitarianism is a revolt against nature.

Right-libertarians and conservatives recognize these facts, and that is their strongest point, in my opinion. The way to reach them with left-libertarian ideas on economics is to point out the anti-meritocratic rather than the anti-egalitarian nature of the present system.

Keith, I agree with all your points about income differentials based on skill and effort. But a system in which income really did reflect merit or effort would be so radically egalitarian, after the present system, as to seem almost Maoist in contrast.

Re businesses going out of business, though, I think the distinction between being “in business” and “out of business” would be a lot less meaningful in cases where capital outlays required for production were minimal, production tools were individually affordable, and minimal levels of overhead made it possible to ride out long periods of slow business without going further in the hole. In such areas of the economy, I suspect the model would be less one of discrete businesses arising and failing, than a lot of independent contractors constantly joining and leaving projects, or temporarily falling back on other paid work, on the model of the free software community or the construction industry.

LOL, Maoism is about as un-egalitarian as it gets, at least in practice. The Maoist model is to reorganize the whole society in wild and crazy ways as a Chinese anthill.
+1

Stephan Kinsella's avatar

Stephan Kinsella· 50 weeks ago

Kevin:

“there’s probably some fraction of income over $250k that was really earned through hard work and enterpreneurship.”

Only *probably*? and only “a fraction”? You apparently suspect or believe that most if not all of income over $250k is somehow illegitimate. This is mind-boggling to me, that you actually think this. And it doesn’t have to be thru hard work or entrepreneurship to be legitimate–it can also be through smart work in some profession–say, acting, medicine, some profession, smart trading or investing, etc.

“If Obama’s cutoff point were, say, extending the tax cuts for everyone below $5 million, that might be a bit less clearcut for me because at that level the probability that anyone made over that amount of money through non-political means approaches zero.”

How can you say this? I know lots of people who make that kind of money legitimately.

“I’ll definitely say extending tax cuts to the top 2% is near the bottom of my list of things to expend effort lobbying for, however.”

Given that it funds the state, and amounts to massive, unjust theft of most of those taxed, it’s shockingly unlibertarian to have such a low priority on this, IMO.

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Bones's avatar

Bones· 50 weeks ago

Yo Stephan,

If your wealth is earned by taking more money for a thing than that thing cost, your wealth is illegitimate. If your wealth is earned by paying people less money than they make for you, your wealth is illegitimate. If your wealth is earned by actions which do not benefit society, your wealth is illegitimate.

“it’s shockingly unlibertarian to have such a low priority on [tax cuts for the richest 2%], IMO.” If you had a time machine and could go back in time, how often would you make out with Ayn Rand?

You seem to have missed (or disagree with) the point of the article, which is that the ruling (and managerial) classes only appear useful because they have forced their way into useful positions. If they were gone tomorrow, having turned everything they ordered to be built to rubble, the working classes could rebuild it all within a year, because we have done it all before.

Stephan: You’re not reading very carefully. I didn’t say “income around $250k.” I said “income over $250k.” That extends from $250k upward to infinity, and includes all incomes up to that of Bill Gates. So I’d say “probably” and “some fraction” is quite fair. And getting “if not all” out of “some fraction… probably” is really a stretch.

“Unjust theft” of “most of those taxed” implies that “most” income over $250k is justly acquired, which would include multibillionaires and the commanding heights of the plutocracy. And “given that it funds the state” is something that *I* mentioned, if you recall.

As for the “shockingly unlibertarian” part, this comes from someone who dismisses thick libertarianism on the grounds that no authoritarian personal behavior is unlibertarian, and libertarianism per se has nothing to say about it, so long as no formal rights violations take place. So if you’re unwilling to condemn personal authoritarian behavior toward other people within workplace hierarchies, racism and sexism, etc., as unlibertarian if no formal rights violations have taken place, it’s a bit odd for you to condemn as “shockingly unlibertarian” my own choice of what to expend my own personal effort worrying about and advocating for.

Bones wrote:-

If your wealth is earned by taking more money for a thing than that thing cost, your wealth is illegitimate. If your wealth is earned by paying people less money than they make for you, your wealth is illegitimate. If your wealth is earned by actions which do not benefit society, your wealth is illegitimate.

All of that is wrong, and most of all the first and last sentences.

The first sentence means that taking a cash profit is always wrong. It means that any viable cash based activity is wrong.

The second sentence means that any cash activity that takes two people, say an electrician and his apprentice, is wrong unless the apprentice makes at least as much money as the trained electrician. (And the same goes for many other activities.)

The third sentence means that anyone who makes wealth (not necessarily money) by simply minding his own business is wrong, that only people who benefit others are allowable. That would rule out the biblical patriarchs, with their wealth in flocks and herds and owing nothing to any man, yet it would allow the brothers of Joseph who sold him into slavery (since everybody gained, as it turned out in the end – even the Egyptian peasants who had to give up their land for food, since the alternative would have been their starving).

Kinsella may have the wrong end of the stick, but it won’t do to throw red herrings at him.

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Hugo's avatar

Hugo· 50 weeks ago

@Stephan Kinsella I usually agree with you, but I think this time you are looking for disagreement out of habit.

@Kevin Carsson I liked this piece so much that I am going to take the time to translate it to spanish for my blog.

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Hugo's avatar

Hugo· 50 weeks ago

Here is the spanish translation of the article for anyone interested: http://www.errorespuntuales.es/content/nunca-he-v… (can not edit my previous comment).
+4

Stephan Kinsella's avatar

Stephan Kinsella· 50 weeks ago

Kevin:

Stephan: You’re not reading very carefully. I didn’t say “income around $250k.” I said “income over $250k.”

I didn’t refer to income “around” $250k; I said, “You apparently suspect or believe that most if not all of income over $250k is somehow illegitimate.”

That extends from $250k upward to infinity, and includes all incomes up to that of Bill Gates. So I’d say “probably” and “some fraction” is quite fair. And getting “if not all” out of “some fraction… probably” is really a stretch.

“Unjust theft” of “most of those taxed” implies that “most” income over $250k is justly acquired, which would include multibillionaires and the commanding heights of the plutocracy.

It doesn’t seem like a stretch to me. Your view does seem to be that, of those making more than $250k, there may be (“probably”) a fraction (usually this indicates a small percent) of them that earned it “legitimately.” Reading this, I take you to be saying something like this: “Maybe 5%, if any, of people making more than $250k earn it legitimately.” You were not explicit but this is an implication. The “if any” is warranted b/c you said “probably.” Thus, my interpretation “You apparently suspect or believe that most if not all of income over $250k is somehow illegitimate” seems warranted to me, and you have said nothing here to gainsay it. You could simply have clarified but you still haven’t done so. I can only guess at what your actual view is. I don’t myself know, of course, what the right percentage is, but if I were to guess it would be more like 50% to 75% is legitimate. Your view, I suspect, is down in the 10% or less range. So then, we just disagree.

My interpretation here can also be understood in light of typical and expected comments from leftists like “Bones,” who wrote:

If your wealth is earned by taking more money for a thing than that thing cost, your wealth is illegitimate. If your wealth is earned by paying people less money than they make for you, your wealth is illegitimate. If your wealth is earned by actions which do not benefit society, your wealth is illegitimate.

This kind of outrageous Marxoid economic illiteracy pops up quite often in left-libertarian discussions. Of course it’s going to color how your words are construed, especially when you are not very explicit. Some of your comrades apparently do think that it’s almost impossible to make more than $250k legitimately, and your comments seemed compatible with this. In any case, our different economic perspectives apparently lead to radically different assessments of the current order.

This is a good example of what has concerned me in the past in left-libertarian paeans to localism, etc.–that their preferences are colored by their economics, and vice-versa. That if you envision an ideal order with radically reduced division of labor and employment, more self-sufficiency etc., more humble incomes, etc., then if you espy high income, employment, etc. in the real world then you have to assume something fishy is at work to produce these artificial results. One’s preferences color one’s view of an ideal world, and then this determines what ones sees as deviations now.

I think a free society would of course be heavily capitalistic, but it would very likely be extremely diverse. Sure there would be more opportunity for self-sufficiency, calling versus career, localism, etc., but in my view there would still be corporations and capitalism, employment and the division of labor, and wildly successful hyper-rich people. When I see the modern landscape I think there are not enough rich people; you (apparently) see conspicuously too many. Thus, where I realize that some of the current rich did so through state connections and artificial arrangements, I see most current successful people as being wealthy despite the state, and realize that there are unseen millions of “would have been millionaires” if not for the state’s hampering the market; whereas you (apparently) assume the vast bulk of the rich only got that way because of the state.

And “given that it funds the state” is something that *I* mentioned, if you recall.

Yes, which is why it seems to me that putting tax cuts at such a low priority seems wrong to me. But I grant that this is more of a strategy issue to me–so long as you acknowledge that taxing someone is theft. The problem is I am not sure you do–if you believe 90% (say) of those earning more than $250k a year get their money illegitimately, then it is not in fact theft to tax them. Sure, you can still object to the state getting that money because it will misuse it–but so will the rich–they’ll use it to acquire more capital or hire more people etc. than they otherwise could. Now I would actually be sympathetic to an argument that most people, when taxed, are not actually stolen from, because they consent to the state–not because of their social class. In this perspective most workers, poor, and “managerial class” members all consent to the state and thus it’s hard to argue it’s outright theft when the state they support does what states do. But this is a consent-based argument, not a classist or economic one.

As for the “shockingly unlibertarian” part, this comes from someone who dismisses thick libertarianism on the grounds that no authoritarian personal behavior is unlibertarian, and libertarianism per se has nothing to say about it, so long as no formal rights violations take place. So if you’re unwilling to condemn personal authoritarian behavior toward other people within workplace hierarchies, racism and sexism, etc., as unlibertarian if no formal rights violations have taken place, it’s a bit odd for you to condemn as “shockingly unlibertarian” my own choice of what to expend my own personal effort worrying about and advocating for.

Well, this is a fair point; if you are talking only about strategy. But I was not sure you were, as noted above. My objection to “thickism” is not in its actual contentions, most of which are common sense (there are connections, etc.), but in its coherence and rigor as a doctrine–and also in some of the leftish flavors of it. Of course there is nothing wrong with “authority” or “hierarchies” per se–and “authoritarian” is used in too fuzzy ways or even in incorrect ways by leftists to say that it’s some kind of proxy for injustice. Racism is of course immoral (sexism can be but it’s more complicated), but even racism in the workplace is not unlibertarian. 1

Bones:

You seem to have missed (or disagree with) the point of the article, which is that the ruling (and managerial) classes only appear useful because they have forced their way into useful positions. If they were gone tomorrow, having turned everything they ordered to be built to rubble, the working classes could rebuild it all within a year, because we have done it all before.

I would not contrast “the working classes” with the state and its cronies. If you were to eliminate the state and the Wesley Mouches, then what would be left would be the private, productive class, which includes workers as well as others such as entrepreneurs, capitalists, employers, professionals, managers, what have you. And as for *this* group, these “classes,” if one insists on thinking of them this way, are symbiotic. But to assert that absent the “managerial class” the workers could rebuild it all is ridiculous.

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MJ's avatar

MJ· 50 weeks ago

Kevin,

Excellent article. It’s funny because I usually have these types of discussions with “liberals” who will go to another country see ridiculous poverty and come back and say those in the projects “have it easy” because they receive government benefits and/or have access to very low wage jobs. In debates like those, I recall Malcolm X’s field negro Vs. house negro speech. The “corporations provide jobs” argument in defending the current state capitalist system to benefit certain developed countries’ poor populations is like telling the house slave to be thankful for their master since they’re not one of the ones working in the fields.

Stephan,

I agree with you that the main problem with capitalism is that there’s too few holders of wealth, not too many. However, I believe that’s what most left-libertarians argue… a distribution of productive property rather than a state-backed distribution of resources. (Welfare, etc.)

Hugo: Thanks much for the kind words and for translating my piece!

Stephan: Here you are conflating most *income* over $250k with most *people* making over $250k, which is quite sloppy. Two very different things. And there’s a very big difference between incomes *around* $250k and incomes *over* that amount. As my argument that “over $250 k” is an income bracket extending upward to infinity, not only do I not gainsay your argument, I’m quite willing to stipulate to an estimate that most money earned over $250k is illegitimate. Do you really believe the majority of the money in that bracket is earned by people at the lower end? I repeat, income *over* $250k includes *everything* up to and including Bill Gates and other corporatist billionaires.

You managed to get from a fraction of the *income* over $250k to a fraction “of them” (the earners), and from there to the very specific fraction of 5%. So you’re not even very clear about what concepts you’re talking about or bothering to make apples-to-apples comparisons to what I actually wrote. So all these numbers are something you pulled out of–well, you didn’t pull them out of anything I wrote. I don’t believe by any means that so small a fraction of the income of the median *earner* over $250k is illegitimate. I wouldn’t be suprised if so small a fraction of *total income* over that amount is illegitimate; but then I suspect that the great majority of the income over $250k is concentrated in the hands of a much smaller number of people than the total population of earners over $250k.

As for your judging me by Bones’ comments, you yourself have made it clear by your own actions that anyone can read anything into anything, if they want to badly enough. I have written what I have written. What you or Bones read into it is between you and Bones.

I remind you of the way you jumped all over me because of my reading of Lew Rockwell’s assorted comments on BP and the environment–a reading of Rockwell’s comments which I consider to have been far more justifiable based on what he actually wrote. So how come you’re not blaming Rockwell for what I read into his commentary, and arguing that the widespread backlash against it for sounding like cheap apologetics for the poor, poor victims in the BP C-suite and like so much know-nothingism about “the environment” must indicate there was something of that sort in his writing there to be found?

I really think Hugo is right. Most of your criticism is just silly, based on a knee-jerk reaction. Your need to go off half-cocked with visceral outrage is such that you’re conflating entirely different statistical categories. I think this entire exchange has just been silly and unproductive. Maybe you should just stipulate, for the record, that you disagree with all of my future assessments of the degree of corporatism vs. market in the economy, and leave it at that.

COMMENTS (35)

+1

Stephan Kinsella's avatar

Stephan Kinsella· 50 weeks ago

Kevin,

“Here you are conflating most *income* over $250k with most *people* making over $250k, which is quite sloppy.”

Ah, I see now, you were talking about money, not people. I don’t know how billionaires’ income factors in to the mix comapre to that of 10 millionairess’, so I am not sure. I was talking about people, and thought you were too. E.g., if there are 10M Americans making > $250k, my view is that most of those people earn it legitimately.

“I’m quite willing to stipulate to an estimate that most money earned over $250k is illegitimate. Do you really believe the majority of the money in that bracket is earned by people at the lower end? I repeat, income *over* $250k includes *everything* up to and including Bill Gates and other corporatist billionaires.”

I’m not sure how it’s distributed. My undersatnding is people who earn say $250k to $5M a year pay most income taxes, so that implies to me that there is a much larger overall pool of money from such people, than from the Bill Gates types.

Let me put it this way: take the class of people who make between $250k and $8M a year. My gut guess is at least 50-70% of them earn it legitimately.

“I don’t believe by any means that so small a fraction of the income of the median *earner* over $250k is illegitimate.”

Oh, good. Maybe we don’t disagree as much as I thought.

“I wouldn’t be suprised if so small a fraction of *total income* over that amount is illegitimate;”

Okay, I see: you are assuming that most of the money made by billionaires is corrupt; and that the total of this money, is far greater than the sum of money made, say, by people who earn between $250k and $5M. I don’t know why you assume this.

” but then I suspect that the great majority of the income over $250k is concentrated in the hands of a much smaller number of people than the total population of earners over $250k.”

Right. I suspect otherwise, given for instance what I have heard about who pays the most in income tax. But not sure. Are you aware of any good stats on this to back you up?

“I really think Hugo is right. Most of your criticism is just silly, based on a knee-jerk reaction. Your need to go off half-cocked with visceral outrage is such that you’re conflating entirely”

Kevin I had no outrage at all, visceral or otherwise. I expressed disagreement with what I thought you were saying, but now realize you were talking about the pool of money itself, not the people who earn it. My apologize for that misunderstanding.

0

Stephan Kinsella's avatar

Stephan Kinsella· 50 weeks ago

Kevin,

Googling (I would say Wolfram-Alpha-ing but I tried it and it didn’t give good results) there are a number of sources on income distribution.

See e.g. http://www.williams.edu/Economics/bakija/BakijaHe… (Bakija) which cites this table: http://elsa.berkeley.edu/~saez/TabFig2006.xls. Tables in Bakija show a variety of professions in which the top 1%, top 0.1%,and so on, earn their money: executives, managers, entrepreneurs, entertainers, professionals and so on. I would not presume that any of these gets their money illegitimately; the presumption is otherwise unless we can point to some act of coercion, some receipt of money directly or indirectly from the state, etc.

Note also, from the .xls:

Top 10% $104,366 Top 10-5% 7,418,050 $122,359

Top 5% $147,839 Top 5-1% 5,934,440 $207,707

Top 1% $376,378 Top 1-0.5% 741,805 $458,208

Top .5% $592,681 Top 0.5-0.1% 593,444 $956,460

Top .1% $1,909,872 Top 0.1-0.01% 133,525 $3,707,091

Top .01% $10,482,368 Top 0.01% 14,836 $29,726,899

I.e., only the top 0.01% earn more than $10M. That means the vast bulk of the “rich”–say, anyone in the top 1%, who earn more htan $376k a year, are earning less than $10M a year. I dont konw about you but I don’t know that a $10M income means we can presume there is some corruption, crime, implicit theft. IF you just look at these numbers, the average income of the top 0.01% is $29M. Looking at table 2 of that XLS file, you can see the relative number of tax units to get their data. If you just multiple that number times the average income in Table 0, we get a total for the top 1% of:

198,950 x $458k = $91B

159,160 x $956k = $152B

35,811 x $3,707,091 = $133B

(3,581 + 398) x $29,726k = $118B

total: $494B

That means those earning > $10M a year earned only 24% of the total income of the class of the top 1% earners.

Even if you assume all of those making > $10M a year are criminals (which they are obviously not), 75% of the top 1% make less than $10M, and an average of less than $3.5M.

So the only way for you to assume that MOST of the money of the top 1% (>$375k salary) is “illegitimate” is to assume that income of about $400k or $450k is also presumptively illegitimate.

So my initial gut reaction is confirmed by this quick (admittedly informal) check of the data. The vast bulk of INCOME of the post-$376k-income set, is earned by people making less than $10M a year.

If you massage the data more, it appears that about HALF the income of the above-$250k-set is earned by people making at most $592k a year.

So even if you view as “suspect” those making $1.9M or more (the top 0.1%), still, HALF the total income of the 1% group (>$376k) is made by people who make less than $600k a year.

For you to say that most of the income of the top 1% (or so) is illegitimate, you would really have to … basically count anyone making more than about $300k or so as presumptively corrrupt/criminal/statist.

I’d be curious to see what you think about this.

MJ,

“It’s funny because I usually have these types of discussions with “liberals” who will go to another country see ridiculous poverty and come back and say those in the projects “have it easy” because they receive government benefits and/or have access to very low wage jobs. In debates like those, I recall Malcolm X’s field negro Vs. house negro speech. The “corporations provide jobs” argument in defending the current state capitalist system to benefit certain developed countries’ poor populations is like telling the house slave to be thankful for their master since they’re not one of the ones working in the fields.”

Yes! Great points.

Stephan: What I think is that I’ll give you the last word on it. I’ve just finished a shift in an understaffed shithole where I was on my last nerve and about to crawl out of my freakin’ skin from nonstop interaction with people, and right now I’m just congratulating myself that I didn’t snap and go out on the hospital roof with a sniper scope-equipped rifle and wind up on the news. Right now just looking at all those colums of numbers makes me want to pass out. I’ve got another column to write tomorrow, and I really didn’t intend for this one to turn into a Vietnam-style quagmire. There are people like Tim Starr who make a career out of comment thread debates, but I’m not one of them. I think I’ll just start saying “no comment” when someone asks me about legislation.
+1

Stephan Kinsella's avatar

Stephan Kinsella· 50 weeks ago

Kevin, in this case, I’ll sum up.

I did originally misread your comment: I thought you were talking about whether the typical person earning > $250k earns it illegitimately or not. I thought you were implying he did, and I disagreed with this. If I understand your position now, based on your subsequent explanations to me, you do not believe that a large percentage of those making more than $250k a year earn it illegitimately.

I gather you would not say the same about the hyper-rich, say, those making > $10M a year–the 0.01% class. You might assume that most of those get their money illegitimately. I do not. I think Bill Gates would still be a billionaire even without copyright law. So would Oprah and Bill Cosby and Madonna. Or at least hyper-rich. I don’t think Microsoft’s money that comes from having employees, and being a corporation, taint its income (copyright is another matter).

I understand you don’t want to pore thru spreadsheets, but that’s why I already did it and summed up for you. The bottom line is that it appears that at most 25% or so of the income of the top 1% is earned by people making more than $10M a year. Given that you have admitted you don’t think we can presume “that so small a fraction of the income of the median *earner* over $250k is illegitimate,” it seems now that you would have a hard time assuming that the bulk of the MONEY of the top 1% class is also illegitimate. Thus, your earlier comment “there’s probably some fraction of income over $250k that was really earned through hard work and enterpreneurship” is incompatible with the facts combined with your view about legitimacy of the lower portion of the top 1%. This is why I first reacted to your comment, because I had some sense of the actual distribution of money in the top 1%. You were under the belief “that the great majority of the income over $250k is concentrated in the hands of a much smaller number of people than the total population of earners over $250k.” This is wrong.

It’s why I confused your statement originally–you calim there is some statistical difference between what I thought you meant and what you meant, but that is only because you think there is a concentration. I believed there was no concentration so I realized that the two statistics were going to be similar in any case. That is I realized that b/c there is no concentration in the upper 0.01% (say) that if you condemn “most of the money” you are necessarily condemning even the lower portions of the top 1% earners. You thought it was concentrated so that you could condemn the upper 0.01% earners only by attacking the bulk of the wealth. But you can’t. If you attack the bulk of the top 1% INCOME then, because there is no concentration as you had assumed, you are attacking MOST of the post-$250k EARNERS themselves–which you have now said you will not do. So, your two positions are incompatible, and my criticism of your first one stands.

So, when you wrote: “Most of your criticism is just silly, based on a knee-jerk reaction” — this is wrong. My criticism was not silly,and was not knee-jerk. I have some awareness of the spread of income in the top 1% and knew that however you finessed your first comment, it would imply that, say, a doctor making $350k or a businessman making $750k a year are presumptively criminal, and I rejected that, and still reject it–and apparently you reject it too.

” need to go off half-cocked with visceral outrage is such that you’re conflating entirely different statistical categories. ”

I assure you I had no outrage at all. You misunderstand me. I was not hostile or angry in the slightest, nor did I mean my comments in any personal way. They were meant to discuss in civil fashion the substance of what you claimed explicitly or implicitly.

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SPBS's avatar

SPBS· 50 weeks ago

I read the article and stand by what I wrote. From the article, consider that when specifying Markets as Free Exchange we get the explanation “any economic order based…” which was my final point in that our perceptions have been skewed by an undue emphasis on economic thinking.

“Family sharing” is not a part of the “free market” – it is family sharing. The need to try to fit everything into a “market” is hierarchical thinking being slipped in due to conditioning to hold the idea of a market at an elevated status.

It is similar to ant colonies. We describe them as comprise of workers, soldiers, and queen. But that is imposing a conceptual framework that is not there onto our interpretation. It is unnecessary and leads to misunderstanding.

Placing “markets” over all human interchanges is similarly imposing a conceptual framework that is not there (unless the individuals, unfortunately, think of natural interactions as being part of a “market”).

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SPBS's avatar

SPBS· 50 weeks ago

Clarification – my statement that I “read the article” was in response to the article Marcel linked to; not Kevin’s original article.

Stephan, I know you didn’t mean your remarks in a personal way, and I apologize for my shortness last night. I really do allocate a limited amount of energy to debates on comment threads, because I’m just not very good at switching gears between a large number of things.

And thanks for the summary. If your figures are correct, I was wrong about the distribution of income within the top 2%. As for whether most of the income of the hyper-rich like Bill Gates was legitimately earned, we’ll just have to agree to disagree. I believe that the removal of artificial scarcity rents, entry barriers, artificial overhead, etc., would make it very unlikely for wealth to build on itself to the point that there would be many fortunes in the hundreds of millions of $$, or any billionaires at all.

In the case of Oprah, I’m not saying she’s morally culpable. But there are so many mutually piggybacking legacy effects (the preponderance of large national manufacturers, a single national advertising market, the continuing holdover of what’s still a very short-tail broadcast media system, etc.) that i doubt she could have gotten this rich in a decentralized economy of local manufacturing markets and a long-tail media of the kind we’ll have when the legacy market share of the Big Three fully erodes. Not to mention the smaller money pie from controlling the distribution of content without copyright. I think with a long-tail media system with many more low-cost networked distribution venues, and without proprietary content, there would be a lot more people making modest sums of money. There will be a lot fewer blockbuster records and books, a shrinking audience for “water cooler” shows, and a lot more people making modest money serving niche audiences.

+3

Stephan Kinsella's avatar

Stephan Kinsella· 50 weeks ago

Kevin,

No apology needed. I just wanted to be clear that I did not mean my remarks in some angry or personal way.

Re Bill Gates: It’s not that we disagree. I just don’t know. My rule is to presuppose legitimacy so long as we cannot clearly attribute the monetary success to concrete criminality/statism. A vague case doesn’t cut it for me. You *may* be right about Gates but your case seems to me to depend on counterfactuals too much to be confident about the judgment. At most it’s a guess, it seems to me.

“I believe that the removal of artificial scarcity rents, entry barriers, artificial overhead, etc., would make it very unlikely for wealth to build on itself to the point that there would be many fortunes in the hundreds of millions of $$, or any billionaires at all.”

You could be right. I have just not seen a careful case made for this contention that is persuasive.

“In the case of Oprah, I’m not saying she’s morally culpable. But there are so many mutually piggybacking legacy effects (the preponderance of large national manufacturers, a single national advertising market, the continuing holdover of what’s still a very short-tail broadcast media system, etc.) that i doubt she could have gotten this rich in a decentralized economy of local manufacturing markets and a long-tail media of the kind we’ll have when the legacy market share of the Big Three fully erodes. Not to mention the smaller money pie from controlling the distribution of content without copyright. I think with a long-tail media system with many more low-cost networked distribution venues, and without proprietary content, there would be a lot more people making modest sums of money. There will be a lot fewer blockbuster records and books, a shrinking audience for “water cooler” shows, and a lot more people making modest money serving niche audiences.”

Yes, you may be right about some of this. So would Oprah be less wealthy? Maybe. How much? I dunno.

0

The Unrepentant Icon's avatar

The Unrepentant Icon· 44 weeks ago

There would also be a hierarchy according to ability and training. A hospital is still going to rank neurosurgeons over candystripers and janitors. A university is going to (hopefully) rank professors over freshmen. There would also be inequality among social groups. For instance, in my view at least, males and females have different biological destinies and therefore different social destinies. Both sexes should have the same
ights in a legal and political sense, but the idea of equality (which is really just a synonym for sameness) that modern leftists dream of is an impossibility. As Rothbard said, egalitarianism is a revolt against nature.Right-libertarians and conservatives recognize these facts, and that is their strongest point, in my opinion. The way to reach them with left-libertarian ideas on economics is to point out the anti-meritocratic rather than the anti-egalitarian nature of the present system.Sorry Keith, Kropotkin would thoroughly disagree with you:”No hard and fast line can be drawn between the work of one and the work of another. To measure them by results leads to absurdity. To divide them into fractions and measure them by hours of labor leads to absurdity also. One course remains: not to measure them at all, but to recognize the right of all who take part in productive labor first of all to live, and then to enjoy the comforts of life.” (The Wage-System)

As a feminist (and an heterosexual male), I would say that your comment is sexist. I’ve been experiencing misogynist, homophobic insults during my schooldays because I never performed well in PE classes. I’ve been called such names as “wimp,” “wuss,” “weakling,” and even “hermaphrodite” (in the strictest biological sense). I had enough of “gender roles” and “biological difference,” which you euphemistically term “different social/biological destinies” shove down my throat.

  1. For more on my disagreement re “thickism,” and “thick libertarianism,” see my comments and interchanges with Gary Chartier and Kevin Carson in Gary Chartier, “Socialism revisited,” LiberaLaw. []
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The “Out of Pocket” Idiom

Interesting facebook discussion about the meaning of the expression “out of pocket.”

The audio of the aforementioned wife’s response is here and embedded below:

.

You learn something every day. For years, maybe decades, I have been around people who use the phrase “out of pocket” to mean “I’m not available right now”.

I was unaware that this was a regional usage, or that there were other usages even. Urban dictionary says it means “paid from personal funds.” I had never heard this.

My yankee friends and I had a heated debate. They said it usually means something other than “unavailable” — like “I spent money” or something. Never heard it used like that.

So I asked my wife, who is usually a reliable indicator of how normal people talk and think, out of the blue: Hey, babe, have you heard people say “I’m out of pocket”? She pauses, suspecting a setup, but says, “yes.” I say “And what do you think that means, when they say ‘I am out of pocket’?”

She instantly says, “That they’re unavailable.”

Me: “Thank you.”

CASE CLOSED YOUR HONOR

<MIC DROP>

 

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Dr. Petr Beckmann: “Defending Nuclear Power”

Illuminating lecture by the late, great Petr Beckmann. For more on Beckmann, see my posts:

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My memoriam for Tibor Machan, R.I.P., was published today at FEE.org: Remembering Tibor Machan, Libertarian Mentor and Friend: Reflections on a Giant.

A local copy is repixeled below.

Update: On the issue of owning just any “type of thing” that one can conceptually identify, see: Owning Thoughts and LaborA Recurring Fallacy: “IP is a Purer Form of Property than Material Resources”. See also the related discussion in Stephan Kinsella, Legal Foundations of a Free Society (Houston, Texas: Papinian Press, 2023): ch. 14, “Law and Intellectual Property in a Stateless Society,” Part III.B, “Libertarian Creationism”; ch. 15, “Against Intellectual Property After Twenty Years: Looking Back and Looking Forward,” Part IV.C, “Lockean Creationism”; ch. 17, “Conversation with Schulman about Logorights and Media-Carried Property,” text at n.20.

Update: Jack Criss’s touching tribute is available here. And here is one by Pater Tenebraram.

Update: See also Rothbard’s comments in Rothbard, Man, Economy, and Liberty (1 March 1986), where Rothbard comments and responds to the speakers and papers presented at the “Man, Economy and Liberty” colloquium hosted by the Mises Institute; backup Youtube, which concerned Man, Economy, and Liberty: Essays in Honor of Murray N. Rothbard, Walter Block and Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr., eds. (Mises Institute, 1988). In his remarks he refers to a paper by M.E. Grenander. This paper does not appear in the book, though it was apparently presented at the symposium, and Tibor Machan does have a contribution to the book, and Machan himself (see below) has relied on Sperry. 1 Rothbard says:

[20:45] I’m delighted to hear about Mr. Sperry and neurophysiology from M.E. Grenander’s paper. I never heard of him. I think this is great. I just want to point out there that the idea of the mind determines itself is a standard Thomist position. So without knowing biology, St. Thomas arrived at that, by whatever, inductive, deductive, whatever insight you want to make.

I am unable to find this paper but apparently she does discuss Sperry in M.E. Grenander, “The mind is its own place,” Methodology and Science 16(3) (1983): 181–192.

Ayn Rand on Free Will

***

One of my long-time friends, libertarian philosopher Tibor Machan, passed away last month, on Thursday, March 24, 2016. He was 77. Many other libertarians have already posted their memories of Tibor, 2 Which is not surprising, given his significant, longtime, and tireless work for liberty and libertarian theory.

I became familiar with Tibor’s work while I was in college, especially Human Rights and Human Liberties (1975) and Individuals and Their Rights (1989), my two favorite of his works. I was also reading Reason at the time, the magazine Tibor co-founded. My friend Jack Criss, who also knew Tibor, commended him to me as well. I began to correspond with Tibor; he kindly responded to a great number of letters, later emails, over the years, often giving me useful reading suggestions and responding thoughtfully and gently to my philosophical and political questions and arguments. He published my first scholarly paper, “Estoppel: A New Justification for Individual Rights,” in the Fall 1992 issue of his journal Reason Papers. We remained and became closer friends over the next 24 years.   [continue reading…]

  1. See The Free Market (June 1986), p. 2, listing papers in “Man, Economy, and Liberty: A Conference in Honor of Murray N. Rothbard,’ including M.E. Grenander, State University of New York at Albany: “Murray Rothbard and Methodological Individualism: Scientific Validation in Roger Sperry’s Mind/Brain Research”. []
  2. E.g., these memories and obituaries by my friends Jeff TuckerChris SciabarraSheldon RichmanAeon Skoble; and David Kelley; see also those by Nick Gillespie at ReasonDavid Gordon, IES-EuropeDavid Henderson, Timothy Sandefur, Irfan Khawaja, and Nicolas Capaldi (from Tibor’s festschrift, more about which later). []
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My Reddit “Ask Me Anything” Threads

I’ve been on various Reddit subreddits participating in AMA’s a few times:

 

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The Genesis of Estoppel: My Libertarian Rights Theory

[Update: see various biographical pieces on my publications page, including Alan D. Bergman, Adopting Liberty: The Stephan Kinsella Story (2025).]

I’ve been ruminating recently about my “libertarian career”—the one that has run parallel to my law career. 1 Here are a few more thoughts and recollections, focused on the libertarian topic that has always greatly interested me: rights theory: what our rights are, what rights mean, how we justify them. (N.b.: This is a bit self-indulgent and probably only of interest to a very small number of people, so trudge on at your peril…)

When I was younger I was interested both in STEM topics as well as philosophy, but had almost no views on political or economic topics. I was basically tabula rasa. Reading Ayn Rand in high school catapulted me into deeper interest in philosophy, political theory, economics. I ended up going to LSU and studying electrical engineering (started in 1983), but I was also devouring this other kind of material “on the side.” I started getting the itch to have conversations or interactions on these topics with others, but it was hard to find anyone to talk about them with. Frustrating. You can’t find engineering students who care about this stuff. And there was no Internet back then. This itch is probably one reason I eventually gravitated towards law school. I gradually realized I would not be satisfied being a practicing engineer. I liked using normative and verbal and legal type reasoning and argumentation too much, plus the scholarship opportunities a law career can offer. I liked writing. Engineering would not have suited me—it would have been too stultifying and boring. [continue reading…]

  1. See My Failed Libertarian Speaking Hiatus; Memories of Mises Institute and Other Events, 1988–2015; also How I Became A LibertarianNew Publisher, Co-Editor for my Legal Treatise, and how I got started with legal publishing; update: see related biographical pieces are hereKOL455 | Haman Nature Hn 109: Philosophy, Rights, Libertarian and Legal Careers; Adopting Liberty: The Stephan Kinsella Story. []
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KOL210 | Ask a Libertarian: Lafayette County LP

Kinsella on Liberty Podcast, Episode 210.

This is my interview, mostly on IP, by Josh Havins, of the Lafayette County (Mississippi) Libertarian Party: Their episode: “Ask a Libertarian #6 – Stephan Kinsella – Against Intellectual Property” (video embedded below).

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KSandy and Stephaninsella on Liberty Podcast, Episode 209.

A patent litigator friend of mine in Houston, Sandeep (Sandy) Seth, and I have squabbled about intellectual property law before. So he came over to my house and we had a little conversation where I tried to find a way to get him to see why IP law should be abolished. The results were predictable. The video is embedded below.

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Kinsella on Liberty Podcast, Episode 208.

[Transcript available here.]

A conversation about intellectual property and libertarian and property theory with my old friend J. Neil Schulman. We discussed our differing views on IP, as a result of my comments on a recent post Patrick Smith: Un-Intellectual Property. Hey, I tried my best, but we never quite saw eye to eye.

For further information, see Neil’s posts Human PropertyThe Libertarian Case for IP; and Media-Carried Property (MCP).

See also the comments here to The Origins of Libertarian IP Abolitionism and My Unfinished 30-Year-Old Debate with Wendy McElroy. For further material about Schulman’s logorights theory, see:

For some related material discussed, see

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[Update: see various biographical pieces on my publications page, including Alan D. Bergman, Adopting Liberty: The Stephan Kinsella Story (2025).]

I originally began this post as a short note about my experience with libertarian speaking over the past few years, but I began rambling and it became a bit longer, something of an adjunct to my earlier How I Became A Libertarian. See related biographical pieces are here.

(Updated Dec. 2024, and subsequently, with my libertarian activities from 2020-2025)

A couple years ago, maybe early 2013, I resolved to stop traveling to speak at libertarian events for a while, except for attending the annual Property and Freedom Society meeting in Turkey at least every other year. I wanted to take a break. It was just becoming too much of a time suck and distraction from other matters. But let me back up a bit, in hopes this may be of interest to some young libertarian scholars.

In the beginning…

When I was a young lawyer, around 1994 (I started practicing in 1992), I started attending libertarian events, initially mostly as an attendee. I had attended an Objectivist conference in Dallas in 1988 during law school with my friend Jack Criss, and a couple of LSU campus Libertarian events (where I listened to Ron Paul speak in an LSU classroom, during his 1988 Presidential run), but that was about it. When I started practicing law in 1992, I started publishing on both legal as well as libertarian topics. I’ve discussed my legal publishing before, 1 and while I did it partly for career development reasons (publishing is one way for young lawyers at big law firms to get their names out there, develop clients, and so on), it was mainly because I found law and legal theory interesting, and enjoyed writing.  It’s the same reason I started publishing in the area of libertarian legal theory as well—such as my first scholarly article sketching out my developing theory of rights, “Estoppel: A New Justification for Individual Rights,” published in Reason Papers No. 17 (Fall 1992). I wrote it (by hand, in cursive!) while I was a grad law student at King’s College London—University of London in 1991. 2 Somewhat naïvely, I submitted it to King’s College Law School’s law review, whereupon it was summarily rejected. Not daunted, I submitted an improved draft to Tibor Machan for his journal Reason Papers, and it was eventually published.

In any case, a succession of both scholarly articles and books, and more popular-format articles, on both the legal and libertarian sides followed over the ensuing decades. 3 One of them was my article The Undeniable Morality of Capitalism, 4 a lengthy and favorable review essay of Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s book The Economics and Ethics of Private Property (1993). For many of my libertarian articles, I would try to publish them in standard law reviews, both to get the word out to more mainstream audiences and also to burnish my legal résumé.

While the legal publishing helped in my law career (and also led to lucrative publishing contracts later on), the libertarian publishing opened up doors for me in the libertarian world. As I recounted in How I Became A Libertarian: [continue reading…]

  1. See New Publisher, Co-Editor for my Legal Treatise, and how I got started with legal publishingPreface and Introduction to International Investment, Political Risk, and Dispute Resolution: A Practitioner’s GuideLouisiana Civil Law Dictionary Review. []
  2. The Genesis of Estoppel: My Libertarian Rights Theory. []
  3. For my legal publications, see KinsellaLaw.com/publications; libertarian-related lectures and publications are at www.StephanKinsella.com/publications. []
  4. 25 St. Mary’s Law Journal 1419 (1994). []
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Kinsella on Liberty Podcast, Episode 207.

A stand-alone episode recorded late at night on my iPhone—had to get it out, thinking about it was keeping me from sleeping. Audio quality is fine, though no pop filter or pro-microphone, as I just used my iPhone. Slight nasal cold leftover from snow-skiing trip altitude sickness is there, but it seems not to be too distracting. See also Kinsella, “Common Misconceptions about Plagiarism and Patents: A Call for an Independent Inventor Defense,” Mises Economics Blog (Nov. 21, 2009); and Kinsella, “If you oppose IP you support plagiarism; copying others is fraud or contract breach,” in “Hello! You’ve Been Referred Here Because You’re Wrong About Intellectual Property” C4SIF. See also this Grok conversation summarizing “why the case for patent and for copyright has nothing to do with plagiarism, contract breach, and fraud, why all these things are distinct, and opposing patent and copyright does not imply favoring fraud, dishonesty, plagiarism, or contract breach.”

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KOL206 | Tom Woods Show: Five Mistakes Libertarians Make

Kinsella on Liberty Podcast, Episode 206.

[Transcript below]

I discussed various libertarian with Tom Woods on his show today, Episode 592. From Tom’s show notes:

Stephan Kinsella joins me to discuss negative/positive rights and obligations, “loser pays,” whether creation makes you an owner, how we can consider spam aggression, and more. Fun!
Grok shownotes:

[00:00:00 – 00:15:00] In this episode of the Tom Woods Show, host Tom Woods interviews Stephan Kinsella, a libertarian lawyer and theorist, to discuss five common mistakes libertarians make. Kinsella begins by addressing the misuse of terms like “coercion” and “aggression,” which libertarians often apply too broadly, diluting their precision in describing violations of property rights. He critiques the tendency to treat all government actions as inherently coercive, emphasizing that fraud or contract breaches also constitute aggression under libertarian principles. The conversation highlights the importance of grounding libertarian arguments in property rights, as seen in Kinsella’s title-transfer theory of contract, and avoiding oversimplified rhetoric that conflates voluntary agreements with coercion.

[00:15:01 – 00:30:53] The discussion continues with Kinsella identifying additional pitfalls: misunderstanding the role of the state, overemphasizing utilitarianism, neglecting legal theory, and failing to engage with opposing views. He argues that libertarians should view the state as a monopolistic aggressor but avoid dismissing all governance outright, advocating for decentralized, voluntary systems. Kinsella warns against relying solely on utilitarian arguments, which can undermine principled libertarianism, and stresses the need for robust legal frameworks like his title-transfer theory to address issues like fraud and contract enforcement. The episode concludes with a call for libertarians to refine their arguments by studying philosophy and law, engaging critics thoughtfully, and avoiding dogmatic echo chambers to strengthen the movement’s intellectual rigor.

Background materials for topics discussed:

Related/previous talks:

Grok Detailed Shownotes:

Detailed Segment Summary

  • [00:00:00 – 00:07:30] Introduction and Mistake #1: Misusing “Coercion” and “Aggression”

    • Tom Woods introduces Kinsella, noting his expertise in libertarian legal theory and his work on the title-transfer theory of contract.

    • Kinsella identifies the first mistake: libertarians’ overuse of “coercion” and “aggression” to describe any disliked action, which dilutes their meaning.

    • He clarifies that aggression, per libertarianism, involves violating property rights, including through fraud or contract breaches, not just physical force.

  • [00:07:31 – 00:15:00] Mistake #2: Treating All Government Actions as Coercive

    • Kinsella critiques the tendency to label all government actions as coercive, arguing that some, like enforcing valid contracts, align with libertarian principles if done voluntarily.

    • He emphasizes that libertarianism should focus on property rights violations, using his title-transfer theory to explain how contracts are about title transfers, not enforceable promises.

    • Woods and Kinsella discuss how sloppy terminology can weaken libertarian arguments, urging precision in debates.

  • [00:15:01 – 00:22:00] Mistake #3: Misunderstanding the State’s Role

    • Kinsella identifies the third mistake: viewing the state as inherently evil without nuance, which ignores the possibility of voluntary governance in a free society.

    • He advocates for decentralized, market-based systems over monopolistic state control, but cautions against rejecting all forms of governance outright.

    • The discussion touches on historical libertarian debates, with Kinsella citing Rothbard’s nuanced views on governance.

  • [00:22:01 – 00:27:30] Mistake #4: Overemphasizing Utilitarianism

    • Kinsella warns against relying solely on utilitarian arguments (e.g., “libertarianism maximizes wealth”), as they can falter against competing utilitarian claims.

    • He argues for grounding libertarianism in principled property rights and natural law, which provide a stronger, more consistent foundation.

    • Woods agrees, noting that utilitarianism can lead libertarians to compromise core principles for perceived practical gains.

  • [00:27:31 – 00:30:53] Mistake #5: Neglecting Legal Theory and Engagement

    • Kinsella highlights the final mistake: libertarians’ failure to develop robust legal theories and engage with critics, often retreating to echo chambers.

    • He promotes his title-transfer theory as a framework for addressing complex issues like fraud and contract enforcement in a free society.

    • The episode ends with a call for libertarians to study philosophy, law, and opposing views to refine their arguments and strengthen the movement’s intellectual credibility.

Transcript [not yet edited]

Tom Woods Show: Five Mistakes Libertarians Make

Stephan Kinsella and Tom Woods, “Tom Woods Show: Five Mistakes Libertarians Make,” StephanKinsella.com (Feb. 12, 2016)

00:00:00

TOM WOODS: The Tom Woods Show, episode 592.

00:00:03

INTRO: Prepare to set fire to the index card of allowable opinion.  Your daily dose of liberty education starts here, the Tom Woods Show.

00:00:14

TOM WOODS: Hey everybody.  Welcome to another episode of the show.  Talking to Stephan Kinsella today because he’s just – he’s got one of those sharp, sharp minds.  He thinks clearly.  He writes clearly.  He writes and speaks very precisely.  He helps to clarify my own thinking, and I thought we’d talk about some areas of libertarian thought or some questions where we’re liable to get off track or get confused or maybe not really know what the right libertarian answer is.  So it’s always fun to talk to Stephan who is a libertarian legal theorist.  He is the author of Against Intellectual Property and many articles that are of importance in libertarian theory.  We’ll be linking, of course, to his material and his contact information at tomwoods.com/592.

00:01:09

Now, let me tell you one quick thing.  I don’t know why this happens, but one episode out of 100 the recording software I use just fails completely, and you have no warning that it’s going to fail.  It’s recording perfectly fine.  You can catch the clock going, and then boom, no recording when you’re all done.  It’s Pamela, by the way, Pamela for Skype.  Now, you really need software to be 100% reliable.  You really do, so if you have an alternative to Pamela, I would grab it.  Right now, I don’t have time to figure out an alternative, so thank goodness; thank goodness Stephan was recording the episode on his end.  So whatever gremlin was trying to screw with me, we got the last laugh here because Stephan was doing the recording.

00:01:52

So in this episode, his audio will be better than mine because he’s recording himself basically locally and then me through Skype, so his audio will be better than mine.  That’s the reason.  And then at the end, apparently what – I – we – the connection got dropped, which there’s no reason Pamela shouldn’t have still recorded.  I mean there’s no reason.  You should record what you have, but anyway, ridiculous Pamela.  Anyway, the point is, at the very end, I’ll jump back in on my end here and wrap it up because just as I was wrapping it up the connection cut out.  So anyway, that’s way more information than you need, but I’m giving it to you anyway.  I want you to know what goes on here at the show, so off we go, talking to Stephan Kinsella whom I am very glad to welcome to the show right now.  Stephan, welcome back.

00:02:40

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Thanks Tom, glad to be here.

00:02:41

TOM WOODS: I’ve got a whole bunch of these things to talk to you about because you sent them to me.  So it helped me to come up with some ideas of things we can talk about.  There are so many things we can talk about, but I love these little bite-sized errors and fallacies that even I myself I’m sure have fallen into in a few cases.  But it helps us to get our thinking clear and straight.

00:03:04

So let’s see here.  Let’s start with one that’s a little theoretical but is pretty fundamental to libertarianism.  There is this idea that we believe in the idea of negative rights, and our opponents believe in positive rights.  And negative rights are things that don’t actually require us to do anything.  They require us simply to refrain from doing things.  So that is to say, I don’t strictly have a right to life.  I have a right not to be killed.

00:03:40

But if I really say I have a right to life, that could mean that I have a right to you putting me on a kidney dialysis machine, but I don’t actually have that right.  I don’t really have a right to property in the sense that if I don’t have any then my rights are being violated.  I have a right not to have my property taken from me, so those are negative rights.  A positive right would be I have a right to a Cadillac.  That’s the basic distinction between these things.  What am I missing in here?  What am I – how am I misstating this in your view?  Am I misstating it?

00:04:10

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Well, I think it’s largely correct.  The insight here that libertarians are drawing on is the idea that they recognize that rights and obligations are correlative.  If you say someone has a right, that implies an obligation on the part of someone else and vice versa.  So that’s why they’re correlative.  Every time you say someone has a right to something it implies other people have a duty or an obligation to respect that right.  And if it’s a positive right, that means the right to be provided with something.  That means other people have the right – have the obligation to provide you with it.

00:04:42

So whenever you announce that there’s a natural human right, a positive right to education or food, which is, by the way, in these United Nations declarations of human rights and things like that and like with the Four Freedoms, these kind of things: freedom from want, freedom from fear, these kinds of things.  When you announce that someone has a positive right, you are in effect saying that other people are your slaves because they have an obligation to provide you with these things.  And that’s the libertarian intuition in opposing that and saying the only rights are negative rights because that only imposes negative obligations on others: the right – as you say, the obligation to refrain from hurting other people.  The imprecision here is that it leaves out the possibility of positive rights and positive obligations that do exist because of your actions.  In other words, what we really should say is we’re against unchosen positive obligations.

00:05:42

TOM WOODS: Oh okay, all right, all right.  Give me some examples then.

00:05:45

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Okay.  So there’s – a couple of obvious examples.  One example that I think most libertarians would not disagree with is an obligation that arises as a result of an act of aggression.  So as a simple example, if I bump someone into a lake, I have an obligation to rescue them to try to reduce the harm I’ve done to them already.  By contrast, if I’m walking by a lake and I see someone drowning, I don’t have a positive obligation under law to rescue them, maybe a moral obligation but not a positive obligation.

00:06:14

But in the case where I’m responsible for the harm caused to that person, I do have a positive obligation.  So you can acquire positive obligations, and someone else could acquire a positive right by virtue of an act of aggression, so that’s one example.  And I think that’s not that controversial, but it does add a nuance to the – so you have to say unchosen, and I would say it’s chosen here by your action.  If you commit aggression, you choose to commit aggression, then you’ve acquired a positive obligation.  Another case which is a little bit more controversial among libertarians…

00:06:44

TOM WOODS: Is it children?

00:06:45

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Is children, and maybe with you and I it’s not as controversial.  I would – in my view, when you choose to procreate and bring a dependent, needy, rights-bearing child into the world, you are in effect putting that child in the position of someone you pushed into a lake.  They’re going to drown because you put them in that position.  A young baby is helpless and can’t survive on its own.  So I think that you have put that baby into a position of natural need, and you’re the natural provider as the procreator, as the parent.  So in that case I would – I think there’s an argument that could be made for positive obligations on the part of parents to their children.  But it’s chosen.  Again, it’s chosen by your actions.

00:07:27

TOM WOODS: Now, have you written on that?  I know people who have because – I’m asking because I want to have a really robust show notes page for this episode.

00:07:34

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Yes.  In my article, “How We Come to Own Ourselves” I talk about it, and then I have another blog post, which I can send you the link to, which I go into it in a little bit more detail.  And of course this goes into the abortion question too, which we probably don’t want to get into here today, but you could extend this to the whole issue of abortion.

00:07:51

TOM WOODS: All right, I’ve also – I’ve done an episode on that, so I’ll link to that.  This is already – I’ve already got great links, and we’ve only been talking for about five seconds.  So okay – all right, that’s good.  I – there are a couple of more – there are a couple of things here that I actually want to jump ahead to.

00:08:06

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Sure.

00:08:07

TOM WOODS: Because I’m surprised at them, and I – and what I love is discovering that I haven’t been hardcore enough.  I love these discoveries.  Oh darn it.  That guy is right.  So I picked out two sort of – two legal principles that everybody takes for granted.  And when we hear them repeated we just assume they’re probably old, and so therefore they’re probably compatible with libertarianism because they’re probably just old examples of respect for rights that go back to the Magna Carta or whatever, but maybe they’re not.  So for instance – well, this one I think actually goes back to some republican policy proposals of the past 30 years.

00:08:50

The idea of loser pays in court, especially given that there are obviously frivolous cases that are brought against people, and if you lose, it’s thought that you should have to pay the legal fees and the expenses incurred by the other person.  You’re saying that’s not libertarian.  I don’t know what your argument is.  That’s why I’m asking you.  What is it?

00:09:11

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Right.  I think I read some time in the past people used to say it was the American rule or something, but it’s basically the everywhere-but-America rule.  A lot of other countries apparently—and I’m not an expert on the other legal systems—but it’s more common for the prevailing party in a lawsuit to be able to collect the fees from the party who loses.  In America, it’s more usually – unless there’s an exceptional case, everyone pays their own fees.  And libertarians have argued that it should be loser pays.  In other words, if I sue you for harming me and I win, I should be able to collect damages, but you should also have to pay for my attorney’s fees because you forced me to go to court to do that.  The problem with – there’s several problems with this.  First of all, the law we have now is largely unjust.

00:10:02

And so what you would happen – what you would have happen in a large number of cases is you’re just magnifying the damage done to the victim of an unjust law.  For example, if someone is sued for patent infringement, now let’s just assume that we don’t like the patent system or some aspects of it.  Someone sues some innocent guy for making a product because it infringes their patent.  Now let’s say the patent holder wins because we do have a patent system in the country, and some patents are actually valid under the way the law works.  Well, then the plaintiff would be able to recover attorney’s fees.  Now, the plaintiffs usually are corporations.

00:10:43

They already have an overwhelming advantage when they threaten someone with some of these lawsuits—antitrust lawsuits, copyright lawsuits, patent lawsuits, other lawsuits—because if they sue a smaller person, the legal fees alone could run in the hundreds of thousands of dollars if not millions on top of statutory damages like $75,000 per infringement for copyright.  So they can be millions of dollars of damages.  So you have someone who is running around, and they get sued, and they’re facing unimaginably high damages already.  So there’s a big incentive for them to settle even if it’s unjust and even if they could win.  They just can’t afford to do that.

00:11:24

If you add on top of that anther penalty, which is they have the pay the attorney’s fees, it just makes the whole situation even more unbalanced.  It’s a little bit like the situation faced by defendants of the criminal system when the prosecutor charges them with dozens of years in jail for some fairly minor offense, which is not even a real offense under libertarian principles.  And they don’t even want to risk going to jury trial, so they plea bargain and they go to jail for ten years or something like that, so it’s this power that it gives plaintiffs.  And in my view, what we should have is a losing – aversion of the loser-pays rule, but it would only be the losing-plaintiff rule.  The losing plaintiff pays.  So, for example, if I sue you for patent infringement and I lose, then I, as the guy who initiated the action, basically who initiated the aggression in the courts, I should have to pay the defense costs of the person who was exonerated.

00:12:24

TOM WOODS: Okay.  I can – I was going to say because otherwise it does seem like I could just really annoy people all day long by filing frivolous suits against them, so it seems like there should be some version of the rule.

00:12:33

STEPHAN KINSELLA: I think it should be a one-way rule basically.  The person who institutes the suit should have – I would not be opposed to them having to pay the costs of the person that they’re hauling into court.  But someone who is hauled into court should not have to pay if they lose.  If they just stand up and defend themselves, they shouldn’t have to pay.

00:12:50

TOM WOODS: Here’s another one.  Aggressors are not innocent until proven guilty.  All right, go.

00:12:57

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Okay.  This is a good one.  This is fairly trivial, but this is a statement people make, not just libertarians, but everyone.  And I think it’s a result of the fact that we give some credence to the basic rule of the Bill of Rights and natural rights and natural law.  And we – but over time we start becoming positivists, legal positivists in the sense that we start thinking of these rules that are in the constitution and that are in our legal system and even that are good rules that they’re really part of natural law.  But we have to distinguish between what’s called civil rights and what are natural rights.

00:13:34

A lot of the rights in the constitution are there just because there’s a government, and one of them is the presumption of innocence, for example.  The presumption of innocence is simply a way to make the government bear the burden of proving that someone is guilty.  It doesn’t mean they’re not really guilty.  Now, if you get technical, guilty means someone who is adjudicated to be guilty.  But if you go by that standard, then it really means very little in libertarian terms because even if you’re adjudicated to be guilty, the court may be wrong, the jury may be wrong, and they may not be guilty.

00:14:07

So in our sense as libertarians, guilty means someone who actually did the crime, someone who’s really the bad guy.  The government needs to go through a process of proving that.  The state needs to have a burden of proof of proving that.  So we have an epistemic issue.  We have an issue where we have to have knowledge about who did what.  So we come up with these, what we call, prophylactic rules, things that bind the state, that slow down the state, that restrict what the state can do for the sake of individual and overall liberty.  But it doesn’t mean that in reality someone is innocent until proven guilty.

00:14:40

If someone murders someone, they are actually guilty.  They just haven’t been proven to be guilty by the legal system.  So when journalists or when everyday people say something like, well, did OJ do it?  I don’t know.  He’s innocent until proven guilty.  That’s just a standard the court has to follow, and it’s good that the court has to follow that standard because we’re limiting what the state can do.  We’re making the state have high burdens to overcome to put someone in jail.  But it doesn’t mean we can’t have an opinion.  It doesn’t mean we can’t say someone is guilty.

00:15:12

I mean as far as I know, Hitler was never convicted in court of being a mass murderer, but everyone says he’s a murderer.  I mean why isn’t Hitler innocent until proven guilty?  So he’s been proven guilty by the facts of history.  You don’t have to have a legal decision.  So I just think we should be careful trying to import into everyday understanding of life and our everyday conclusions and judgments about people the rules that – and the procedures that apply to courts.  We don’t have to be bound by those.

00:15:44

TOM WOODS: That’s a very good point because I – you often hear these kinds of expressions about innocent until proven guilty just in casual conversation.  When you’re talking about a guy you’ve actually observed do something and they still say, well, you know we’ve got to give him his trial.  Now wait.  I saw the guy do it.

00:16:05

STEPHAN KINSELLA: No, he might have – he attacked me.  I saw him.  I’m supposed to say he’s…

00:16:09

TOM WOODS: Yeah.  Believe me; I was there.  I’m not calling him the alleged attacker.  Come on now.

00:16:13

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Exactly.

00:16:14

TOM WOODS: And there have even been times when the guy – I’ve heard journalists say alleged attacker.  They’re just so used to saying it like even after the guy is convicted, which still call him that.

00:16:26

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Honestly, I think one reason for that, Tom, is I believe that’s a fear of libel lawsuits or defamation lawsuits.

00:16:32

TOM WOODS: Oh yeah.

00:16:33

STEPHAN KINSELLA: If we did not have defamation law, there would be a lot less tip-toeing around things like that, I believe, by journalists and by others. People would just say, look.  It looks like the guy is a murderer.

00:16:45

TOM WOODS: Yeah.  It looks – he’s got the bloody knife in his hand.

00:16:48

STEPHAN KINSELLA: He’s not an alleged murderer.

00:16:49

TOM WOODS: I shouldn’t be laughing about brutal killings here.  All right, let’s talk about spam or hacking.  I like talking about things where you can imagine non-libertarians saying how could a libertarian possibly handle X problem.  And even libertarians themselves who will write to me and say, I want to be able to say there’s some libertarian response to the issue of spam, but yet it’s not obvious to me what it would be.  So how have you worked this out?

00:17:16

STEPHAN KINSELLA: In one background piece I’ve written you might want to have a note to is my piece with Pat Tinsley QJAE called “Causation and Aggression.”  So that’s sort of background theory for this.  It’s a way of looking at what we should be responsible for.  I think you and I talked earlier.  I think it was you in a previous show about the emergence of the – how there was a common law developing in airwaves, and then the FCC sort of expropriated the field and took it over in the early ‘30s or something like that.

00:17:48

In spam, something similar has happened.  There have been some cases like the Cubby v. CompuServe case and others which have addressed this spam issue, which I think the right way to approach it from a libertarian point of view is to simply think what is prohibited and what’s permissible under libertarian principles?

00:18:09

Think about a neighborhood situation.  You own a home.  You live next to neighbors.  There’s a common sidewalk or whatever the sidewalk is, but you have a private sidewalk leading up to your door.  You have a doorknocker, a doorbell on your front door.  Generally speaking, if a neighbor walks up to your door and they knock on your door they are using your property.  They’re using your land.  They’re using your door.  The question is, is that a trespass, or is it that a licensed or a permitted use?  And what we would normally say is that’s a permitted use because the standards in the area, by having your house in a certain – oriented a certain way without having a no trespassing sign up, you’re inviting certain innocuous uses like that.  But the whole thing is rooted in the idea of property and property control.

00:18:54

Now, if you go to a computer situation, what is happening if someone calls your house repeatedly as a telemarketer?  Or what is happening if someone knocks on your door when you’ve told them not to come to your door?  In that case, they are a trespasser because they’re using your property without your consent.  Now, in my view, hacking is basically using your computer without your consent because no one really wants their computer to be hacked.  Now, it is true that the person that’s doing this is sitting in Bangladesh or somewhere, and they’re doing it over the internet.  They’re using a mechanism.  We’re all connected to an internet, to a network.

00:19:32

So they are basically causing something to happen using signals and using electrical circuits, but they’re manipulating the actual internal operations of your computer, the same thing with spam.  If someone sends me a bunch of spam—and no one wants spam, and that’s commonly understood.  People don’t want spam.  They’re basically clogging up the operations of your computer.  They’re putting stuff on your hard drive.  They’re making your hard drive do stuff, especially with – when people out these malicious viruses and things like that onto your computer.  My point is it’s basically like a remote-control use of your property without your permission, and so I think that could be considered a type of trespass.

00:20:11

Let me give a more concrete example.  Let’s suppose you have a neighbor, and they have one of these remote-control drones in their house, and you can see into their living room through their window.  And you have a device that you’re able to control their drone in their house.  And one night for kicks you turn on your little remote control and you start flying their drone around inside their kitchen, and you break a bunch of their cups and you scare their dog and all that kind of stuff.  I would say that’s an act of trespass because you’re commandeering one of their resources without their permission.  So that kind of analysis I think can show why spam and why uninvited telemarketing calls, all these kind of things are – can be types of trespass or maybe a nuisance.

00:20:53

TOM WOODS: All right, I’m sorry for just jumping from one to the other but…

00:20:57

STEPHAN KINSELLA: That’s all right.

00:20:57

TOM WOODS: I’ve got so many of these great ones you sent me, and I want to get the answer.  I actually – for this one, I’ve read your answer, and I think it’s just absolutely airtight.  It’s this idea of creation as an alleged source of property rights.  Look, I created this, and therefore, I own it.

00:21:16

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Right.

00:21:17

TOM WOODS: And this – a lot of – obviously we see this a lot of times when it comes to IP.

00:21:20

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Yes.

00:21:21

TOM WOODS: But I don’t think it’s necessarily – the concept is not necessarily tied to IP.

00:21:25

STEPHAN KINSELLA: No.

00:21:26

TOM WOODS: That creation and property rights, one doesn’t follow from the other unless by creation you have some kind of homesteading in mind.  But creation in and of itself does not give rise to property rights, so let’s hear it.

00:21:38

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Well, yes, and some people – what they’ll say is if you homestead a virgin piece of land in the middle of the wilderness then you’ve, in effect, created that land because it didn’t exist before in some sense because no one was observing it or valuing it.  You can play games with words like that, and you can say that every act of homesteading is an act of creation, and that’s fine.

00:22:00

But then there’s some equivocation involved because they switch the meaning later on.  The reason this is something to get straight, the reason it’s important to get this issue straight is because it can lead to confusion.  So let me tell you.  My view on this is the following.  When people say that creation is a source of property rights, I think they’re wrong because they’re conflating two different things.  There’s a source of wealth, and there’s a source of property rights.  Those are two different things.

00:22:32

It is true that, if I own a raw material and I use my labor and my intellectual abilities and my creativity and my ideas to transform it, I might transform it into something newer and better that is worth more to me or to someone I might sell it to.  So in that sense, creation is a source of wealth, but it’s not a source of property rights because, to do that, I have to already own some underlying resource, my body and some resource that I’m transforming.  And I transform this thing that I own into something that’s more valuable, and that makes it more valuable.  I increase the sum total of wealth in the world or for me, but there’s no new property right involved.  I have a piece of raw steel, and I transform it into a horseshoe.  Now it’s more valuable because I can use it for something.  But I already owned the steel that was in the horseshoe.  I’ve just rearranged its shape.

00:23:27

And by the way, Mises and Rothbard and even Ayn Rand have statements that say almost exactly this, that really we’re just rearranging materials in the world.  The reason I say creation is not a source of property rights is because there’s only really two or three sources of property rights.  Number one, you acquire something that was unowned.  That’s homesteading.  That’s Lockian homesteading.  You do something to mix your labor with it, to put up a border around it, to create a visible objective connection between you and the thing that other people can see.

00:24:01

That’s one way to acquire ownership.  And the other way is to get the thing from someone who previously owned it by contract or by some other conveyance.  There is no other way that you can imagine that my creation is a source of ownership, and let me just give a couple of examples where creation is neither necessary nor sufficient for ownership.  Okay.  It’s not necessary because, as I said, if you just – you’re the first one to stumble across an unowned resource, you didn’t really create the resource, so creation is not necessary.  You’re an owner of the resource because you were the first one to use it, not because you created it.  And it’s not sufficient because let’s imagine I have a small factory or a company, and I hire someone to take my resources, like my raw iron, and make horseshoes with those.

00:24:48

Now, the laborer is actually the one creating the horseshoe in a sense because he is changing the shape of the metal into a horseshoe.  But he didn’t own the raw material, and we have a contract as employer/employee where he doesn’t own the result either.  He gets paid a wage.  That’s what our contract is, so that shows that creation is also not sufficient for ownership, so basically it’s just a mistake.  People are right to think that creation is a source of wealth, but it’s not a source of property rights.

00:25:19

TOM WOODS: Stephan, I want to talk about the rest of these on a future episode, but for now, tell people once again how they can follow you because a lot of times people listen to you and they want more.  So how do they get more Kinsella?

00:25:31

STEPHAN KINSELLA: Just stephankinsella.com.

00:25:32

TOM WOODS: All right, that’s my conversation with Stephan.  I was trying to thank him, but Skype wouldn’t let me.  So I just want you to know I was thanking Stephan, urging people to check out stephankinsella.com and tomwoods.com/592.  Let me give you a few parting notes.  Monday will be another debate episode if you can believe that, oy, yoi, yoi.  Lew and I do intend to carry on, by the way, into the general election.  We’ll do those debates as well.

00:25:56

Anyway, before I let you go, three little links to remind you of, number one, Bernie Sanders did very well in New Hampshire, so you need my e-book, Bernie Sanders is Wrong, to help bolster your arguments.  How do you get that e-book?  You can either go to bernieiswrong.com, or you can text the name, Bernie, to 33444, whatever is more convenient.  But grab that thing.  It costs you nothing, and it’s a book.  Come on.  What’s going on here?  I mean you’ve got to love that.  So that’s one thing.

00:26:29

Second thing is I’ve often told you that I will help publicize your blog and I’ll give you a bunch of free tutorials to help get you up and running as a blogger.  And I had somebody in my supporting listeners group not too long ago say that the Woods tutorials on this are among the best materials he’s seen for beginners.  So I will give you these, and they don’t take too long to watch, but there are about two dozen of them showing you how to do all different things, basic things like posting a post or putting a picture in a post but also more advanced topics like what if there’s something you want to put at the bottom of every post like, hey, sign up for my newsletter, or if you’re new here click on these links or whatever.

00:27:13

You want that on every single post.  How do you do that?  It’s not obvious how you do that, but I’ll show you in just a few minutes how you do stuff like that.  So all that stuff is there.  You get those tutorials, and you get the free publicity if you get your hosting through tomwoods.com/publicity.  You’ll see the links there, how to sign up for web hosting, and if you use my link for that, then I’ll gladly give you these free goodies.  And it’s easy to do.  I even have a free video that’s right up there on tomwoods.com/publicity showing you how to be up and running in just five minutes, so no more excuses.  You want to jump into the world of blogging—no more excuses, tomwoods.com/publicity.

00:27:51

And finally, today I’m speaking to you on February 12, 2016, which means that the Rocket Languages 60% off sale has begun, and they’re only doing this for the first 750 courses sold or the next couple of days, whichever comes first.  So you’ve got to grab yours; 60% off is ridiculous.  You don’t have to take out a mortgage finally to have a really good language course because if you look at some of the other courses, good grief, they cost a fortune.  But this is inexpensive plus 60% off.  Check it out: tomwoods.com/rocket.  Enjoy your weekend.  We’ll be talking debate on Monday.

00:28:30

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