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Rand on Collateral Damage

Update: See also Ayn Rand Endorses Big Government

From LRC Blog:

Rand on Collateral Damage

Posted by Stephan Kinsella on May 31, 2009 10:30 AM

From Ayn Rand Answers: The Best of her Q&A:

If we go to war with Russia, I hope the “innocent” are destroyed along with the guilty. There aren’t many innocent people there—those who do exist are not in the big cities, but mainly in concentration camps. Nobody has to put up with aggression, and surrender his right of self-defense, for fear of hurting somebody else, guilty or innocent.

This goes beyond merely tolerating collateral damage; it’s actively calling for it. I guess it should be no surprise there is an Objectivist article entitled No Apologies for Hiroshima and Nagasaki. I guess when Rand vociferously denounced libertarianism, there was a reason. (Roderick Long also discussed Rand’s “war” remark on the HNN Liberty & Power blog a couple years ago.)

It’s remarkable–given that Rand was such an outspoken proponent of individual rights–how many people she would appear to view as having no rights or radically curtailed rights: “savages” like the Native Americans and other nomads (so it was okay for Americans to kill them and conquer them), and Arabs (so American oil companies “really” owned the oil because their technology helped discover it. 1 Germans and Japanese during wartime; “innocent” Russian citizens during the Cold War; and who knows what rights she would have attributed to anarcho-libertarians (I think she called us the “hippies of the right“), draft dodgers and pacifists!

I stumbled across Rand’s observations on war while looking for a comment I’ve read in the past but am now unable to locate. The comment was by an Objectivist, perhaps Peikoff or Binswanger, and went something like this: Libertarians are wrong to favor “small” government; in certain situations, e.g. war or defense from an invasion, it could be appropriate for the government to consume more than half the GDP, if necessary. (If you know who made the comment or its location, please let me know.)

Update: see Ayn Rand Endorses Big Government.

  1. See Ayn Rand on Donahue, “Ayn Rand on Oil and America’s Right to Own Middle Eastern Fossile Fuels” (Youtube); Ayn Rand on Israel and the Middle East; Leonard Peikoff, “Iraq – The Wrong War”  (2il companies “really” owned the oil (2); Tom Bowden, “Nationalization Is Theft,” Aynrand.org (Nov. 7, 2008); ; (( It is true that the middle eastern countries expropriated these contractual concession rights, which I have written on in detail, e.g. Noah D. Rubins, Thomas N. Papanastasiou and N. Stephan Kinsella, International Investment, Political Risk, and Dispute Resolution: A Practitioner’s Guide, 2d ed. (Oxford University Press, 2020). []
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Circular Reasoning in the Law

[From my Webnote series]

See also:

  • Stephan Kinsella, Legal Foundations of a Free Society (Houston, Texas: Papinian Press, 2023), ch. 5, n. 28: “The concept of “detrimental reliance” actually involves circular reasoning, however, for reliance on performance is not “reasonable” or justifiable unless one already knows that the promise is enforceable, which begs the question.” and ch. 9, Part. I.E
  • Defamation as a Type of Intellectual Property, quoting Felix Cohen, “Transcendental Nonsense and the Functional Approach,” Colum. L. Rev. 35, no. 6 (June 1935): 809–849, pp. 814–815: Regarding the justification of trademark rights: “Courts and scholars, therefore, have taken refuge in a vicious circle to which no obviously extra-legal facts can gain admittance. The current legal argument runs: One who by the ingenuity of his advertising or the quality of his product has induced consumer responsiveness to a particular name, symbol, form of packaging, etc., has thereby created a thing of valuea thing of value is property; the creator of property is entitled to protection against third parties who seek to deprive him of his property.  … The vicious circle inherent in this reasoning is plain. It purports to base legal protection upon economic value, when, as a matter of actual fact, the economic value of a sales device depends upon the extent to which it will be legally protected.”

From Mises Blog (archived comments below):

Circular Reasoning in the Law

05/21/2009

Ever since I was in law school I’ve been irritated at various circular arguments used to justify various laws, policies, or legal rulings. A good example is the notion of “detrimental reliance,” which is sometimes used to justify enforcing a contract. The question arises: why should a promise be enforceable? The answer? Because the promisee reasonably relied on it to his detriment, so that if the promise is not enforced, then the promisee would suffer damage. Of course the obvious response is that the “reliance” is reasonable only if promises are legally binding in the first place–hence the circularity. (For more on this, see La. Civ. Code Art. 1967; my Punishment and Proportionality: The Estoppel Approach, n. 14; Randy E. Barnett, A Consent Theory of Contract, pp. 274-76; and George Fletcher, Paradoxes in Legal Thought, p. 1269, and n. 30. For an example of a libertarian who makes this mistake, see my review (p. 140) of Patrick Burke’s, No Harm: Ethical Principles for a Free Market.) The right approach is the libertarian Evers-Rothbardian “title transfer” theory of contracts, rather than the “enforceable promises view” (see my A Theory of Contracts: Binding Promises, Title Transfer, and Inalienability).

In law school and grad school I used to make notes in the margins of cases and books when I encountered these, but unfortunately have lost them. I had a dozen or two. I remember there were some in International Business Transactions. Another had to do with the patent law concept of “file wrapper estopppel” (don’t ask). I remember some in the UCC courses, some in bankruptcy, lots in torts. And many in constitutional law–e.g., regarding the 4th amendment right against search and seizure, if I recall, the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence, in order to determine whether someone’s “privacy” is breached, asks whether someone had a “legitimate expectation” of privacy. Circular! In modern-day FISA America, citizens do not really have such an expectation, because they know the nature of their government. Why should the way things are be some sort of indicia for the way the Constitution commands they should be? (If any law students or lawyers or others remember or come across other examples, please post them in the comments.)

It’s unrealistic to expect mainstream legal statist-positivists to adopt libertarian reasoning, but I would prefer if they would simply honestly say it’s just an arbitrary decree or decision, rather than pretend they have a real justification for the policy or decision.

Archived comments:

Comments (12)

  • Ohhh Henry
  • I think that the attempt to use a state apparatus to codify and enforce laws must inevitably produce bad laws. Good laws are commonsensical and do not need a complicated way of explaining them. Natural law in other words. Because natural laws are commonsense it is easy for people to avoid breaking these laws, and a large and expensive apparatus for producing “justice” is unnecessary.If there is to be any room for a large and intrusive state to exist, it must find something to do other than logical, rational, commonsense things. Those things are already being done and nobody needs a state to do commonsense things for them. The state must therefore stake out and own the field of irrational and stupid laws. The bigger the state that is desired, the more new laws they need, and the more they must deviate from what is simple and rational.I believe that this explains the many problems with the law, in its state-produced form. The state writes bad laws not through any accidental circumstances or due to lack of diligence by legislators, but because it MUST write bad laws in order to exist.
  • Published: May 21, 2009 4:18 PM

  • Gil
  • “Good laws are commonsensical and do not need a complicated way of explaining them.” – O. Henry.Further specious explanation for any and all laws? Laws are simply restrictions of one person against others. The only presumed legitimate way a person can come up with laws is due to the fact they actually own the property that they are trying to restrict others with.
  • Published: May 21, 2009 7:12 PM

  • Karl Fielding
  • Circular reasoning? Try to put a subjectivist spin on the definition of “fair market value” in a contracts class. I think I got an “A” in blank stares.
  • Published: May 21, 2009 7:51 PM

  • Ben R.
  • I just finished up 1L and the first example that I thought of was referencing “notions of fair play and substantial justice” to determine if a court has jurisdiction. I found this question begging-standard particularly disappointing in something as important as jurisdiction.
  • Published: May 21, 2009 9:01 PM

  • Magnus
  • Assumption of risk (although it doesn’t much exist any more). It was basically defined as “any tort-type loss for which the law will not provide compensation.”Another of my favorites was deciding a Constitutional issue by purportedly using a “balancing test.” Balancing what exactly? It’s not a test, and not a rule at all, if you simply say that you are “weighing” the policy considerations. Maybe that “weighing” is a common political means of arriving at a rule, but a “balancing test” is not actually a rule.Here’s one that you should like, Stephen — “fair use.” The rules of copyright, such as they are, determine what’s fair.In 14th Amendment cases, one of the major factors is whether some legislation serves a “legitimate governmental interest.” Of course, what defines the parameters of supposedly legitimate governmental interests in the first place are those very rules about the limits of governmental power.Another absurdity, although not circular per se, are the decisions that say that trial judges’ rulings on certain issues will only be reversed if they constitute an “abuse of discretion,” but then go on to say that “any decision other than exactly the one we demand will be treated as an abuse of discretion.” It’s like saying you can get a car in any color so long as it’s black.The law is bullshit. Practicing in government courts is an exercise in bullshit.
  • Published: May 21, 2009 9:38 PM

  • Walt D.
  • The great logician Kurt Godel, claimed to his friend Einstein, on the way to his citizenship interview, that the US Constitution had a logical flaw that would allow, by self-amendment, a few thousand federal and state politicians to institute a dictatorship.Note that this totally different than the SCOTUS using twisted logic to arrive at an arbitrary decision. What Godel was alluding to was based on a strict adherence to Constitution based on standard everyday usage of the English language, The following link explains Godel’s reasoning.
  • Peter Suber, Part One: The Paradox of Self-Amendment, Section 1 Introduction: Logical Paradoxes in Law
  • Published: May 21, 2009 10:07 PM

  • P.M.Lawrence
  • SK, that’s no more circular reasoning than a properly constructed recursive definition is a circular definition. You have simply omitted the stuff that would clear the difficulty up.
  • Published: May 22, 2009 3:51 AM

  • Sasha Radeta
  • I think all libertarians agree that mere promises are not enforceable. Unlike contract violation, breaking a promise does not imply any unlawful usurption of property that legally belongs to someone else (contrats are in fact exchanges of property titles). However, some libertarians miss the basic meaning of contracts (free market exchanges) — and that is far more serious issue, since enforceable contracts are synonymous to free market transactions.Often, you have libertarians who think that by obtaining limited access to someone’s property (like works of authorship), you magically get the property tile over that good in its enirety. Strangely, copyright violators claim that contracts are not absolute – they just need “terms of use” agreement to gain access to another person’s property… and then they engage in a limitless use, regardless of rightful owner’s disapproval.It’s really not a secret that state is really guided by arbitrary decree, rather than any real justification for the policy or decision. Unfortunatelly, the same often goes for many of those who oppose the state, either from right or left.
  • Published: May 22, 2009 6:55 AM

  • Magnus
  • SK, that’s no more circular reasoning than a properly constructed recursive definition is a circular definition.I don’t know that there is such a thing as a “properly constructed” recursive definition when we’re talking about a substantive rule of decision.The whole point of substantive legal rules is that they define and categorize facts (or sets of facts) into binary terms. They sort the wide world of facts and specific instances, which is infinitely variable, into one of two categories — right/wrong, permissible/impermissible, legal/illegal, valid/invalid.A recursive definition fails to accomplish this task.In fact, pretending that such recursive definitions are, in fact, substantive rules of decision, is a sneaky and underhanded way of making it look like the court is applying substantive rules of decision, when in reality they are just making policy declarations.It’s rather like saying “we can’t define pornography, but we know it when we see it.” That’s not a substantive rule. It’s a way of appointing yourself as the sole arbiter with discretionary power.

    Another example is that the Court has decreed that abortion restrictions are allowed unless they place an “undue burden” on the right to have an abortion. What is “undue,” you may ask? Well, they don’t say.

    They don’t say because by NOT SAYING, they elevate themselves to the position of being the arbiter. And, luckily enough, they are the arbiter in a legal realm where there are no substantive rules of decision telling them what might be considered “undue.”

  • Published: May 22, 2009 9:33 AM

  • P.M.Lawrence
  • Sasha Radeta wrote “I think all libertarians agree that mere promises are not enforceable”.Actually, anybody who uses feudal law as a framework does think that. It is quite possible for a Libertarian to do that. In feudal law, it is not so much contracts as promises that are binding. In particular, where a contract (in law) does not require one party to fulfil it if the other party does not carry out his end of the contract, the feudal equivalent is the exchange of promises – and in general each promise is binding regardless of whether the other is kept (although, of course, it would often happen that each promise was itself constructed to be contingent on the other promise being fulfilled).Magnus wrote “The whole point of substantive legal rules is that they define and categorize facts (or sets of facts) into binary terms. They sort the wide world of facts and specific instances, which is infinitely variable, into one of two categories — right/wrong, permissible/impermissible, legal/illegal, valid/invalid. A recursive definition fails to accomplish this task.”Stipulating all that just for the sake of argument, even though that has not been established, a sound recursion can indeed do all that. All it needs is two things, that the recursion always rests on a prior case that is in some sense “smaller”, and that this always leads the recursion to terminate on some or other separately established base case – i.e. that it prevents both circularity and infinite regress. Of course, it is quite possible to get that wrong and get – for instance – circularity, but that is not the same thing as there being no sound recursion. After all, recursion is used to great effect in a number of areas, e.g. in computer science and the foundations of arithmetic (see Peano’s Axioms for some insight into this).
  • Published: May 22, 2009 10:05 AM

  • Magnus
  • and that this always leads the recursion to terminate on some or other separately established base caseThat base case would, in fact, be the substantive rule of decision, and courts could openly identify them as such, if they wanted to.But by purporting to rely on a recursively-defined, higher-order legal term, and calling it a “test” or a set of “elements” or some kind of substantive legal principle, a court does not have to actually rely on a rule of law at all to make a ruling.This is no accident. In the absence of genuine rules, courts get discretionary power. Recursive (and circular) legal terms are (falsely) labeled as rules of decision for an institutional, systemic reason — to hide the true rule (i..e., the actual basis for the decision) behind a huge wall of pseudo-rules and pseudo-analysis, thereby giving the legal opinion the appearance of legitimacy and sound reasoning.When you get down to the bottom of one of these recursive/circular analyses, what you find, as an actual basis for the decision, is one founded on cultural bias, prejudices, policy preferences, and your garden variety lust for expanded judicial power.These recursive/circular legal concepts are a way of avoiding disclosure of the true basis of one’s decision.

    Here’s another one — a contract can be voided if it “shocks the conscience.” This term is also used, most recently, in the debate over permissible forms of torture (i.e., enhanced interrogations). “Shocking the conscience” is not an actual rule of law, nor a legitimate element of one. It’s (obviously) a subjective criterion. The rules as to what activity constitutes a conscience-shocking practice are conveniently missing.

  • Published: May 22, 2009 10:40 AM

  • P.M.Lawrence
  • “That base case would, in fact, be the substantive rule of decision, and courts could openly identify them as such, if they wanted to”.Not in the example SK gave. All that requires is a base case of accepted usage emerging at some point in the past for whatever reason, no matter how unsound or even lacking the law behind it. For instance, it might be a matter involving which car had the right of way when two cars collided because one was driving on the left and the other on the right.
  • Published: May 22, 2009 9:50 PM

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From Mises blog (archived comments below).

Update: Aaron Day, You Might Own Nothing Sooner Than You Think, Brownstone (Aug. 11, 2024)

The Libertarian View on Fine Print, Shrinkwrap, Clickwrap

May 8, 2009 4:27 PM by Stephan Kinsella | Other posts by Stephan Kinsella | Comments (15)

The Techdirt post Court Rejects Online Terms Of Service That Reserve The Right To Change At Any Time spurred me to post a comment about this, collecting some of the thoughts I’ve had about such matters for a long time.

As I note there, my own theory of contract is presented in my article A Theory of Contracts: Binding Promises, Title Transfer, and Inalienability. And while I of course as a libertarian favor freedom of contract, I am leery of too formulaic or formalistic libertarian positions. Partly this stems from my growing aversion to “armchair” theorizing (see my post The Limits of Armchair Theorizing: The case of Threats). But as an example, and as I noted in the contract article, I disagree with putting so much stock in whether a communication is a “promise” or not (Rothbard, e.g., puts a bit too much emphasis on this, in my view). The question is what the parties meant by their communication–even if the word “promise” is used, this could be intended to effectuate a transfer of title. Another is, say, the over-emphasis on the notion of “incitement” by Rothbard and Block (as discussed in Causation and Aggression). They want to rule out “incitement” as a type of aggression in all cases; to my mind, it’s a more context-dependent determination. Maybe it is, maybe it isn’t.

A similar issue arises in the case of contracts. Many libertarians, often with only a crude understanding of the nature of contracts, just assume, Rand-like, some kind of mystical “power” to “bind” oneself by “a contract”. They tend also to equate contracts with a written agreement. [note: See update below] They thus tend to think that “if it’s written in ink, it’s binding, no matter what”. To my mind, this is too formalistic. A writing is neither necessary nor sufficient to form a contract. Most contracts are not written. They may be oral. They do not even need to be verbal–I hand you a dollar, pointing to the newspaper; you take my dollar and give me the paper. A sale happens, nonverbally (no oral or written communication). And “what is written” is not necessarily dispositive. To my mind, a written agreement is only evidence of what the parties actually agreed to. But it is rebuttable. The written agreement may be very sparse: in which case in the case of disputes, there is no choice but to resort to “gap-fillers,” default rules, and the like. Or the agreement may contain ambiguities or even inconsistencies–this may require similar construction methods, or even invalidation of the agreement.

The agreement may not even be intended to be binding, such as in the case of a so-called “simulation” (a contract which, by mutual agreement, does not express the true intent of the parties; see my Louisiana Civil Law Dictionary, entry for “Simulation”; earlier version; Louisiana Civil Code, arts. 2025-27: “Art. 2025. Definition; simulation and counterletter
A contract is a simulation when, by mutual agreement, it does not express the true intent of the parties.

If the true intent of the parties is expressed in a separate writing, that writing is a counterletter.”)

Or there may be fraud or deception which nullifies the whole writing or requires certain provisions not to be enforced.

Given all this, in my view we should not just assume that “whatever is in writing” is part of a binding obligation or enforceable agreement. This bears on the issue of fine print, and so-called shrink-wrap and clickwrap agreements (incidentally the law of various countries on this issue is discussed in my book Online Contract Formation–which is not bedside reading, n.b.). Libertarians seem to just assume, too quickly in my view, that all such fine print should be enforceable. These assumptions seem to be made in the absence of the awareness of the nuances noted above.

So one problem with click-wrap agreements, for example, is that there is (arguably) often no “meeting of the minds” on the fine print–and the vendor is fully aware of this. If the customers routinely just click the “I have read and agree to these terms” box but never do read it, and the vendor knows this, then it’s a sort of fiction to assume both sides have actually agreed on these terms. For example supposed buried in fine print for a contract for sale of a $20 software program is the provision, “Buyer agrees to give 50% of his income to Vendor for life.” Is this enforceable? Of course not. Why not? Because there was no agreement to this. So the “hidden” terms have to be in some sense reasonable, at the least. (Here, too, “inalienability” concerns may kick in–even if the party is fully aware he is signing away his life income, or his kidney, or life, say, this may not be enforceable for inalienability concerns–see, on this, the contract article noted above, plus my article Inalienability and Punishment.)

I am not saying that clickwrap and fine print is not enforceable–I’m just saying that the libertarian view on property rights and contracts does not require that we formalistically equate “the contract” with “the writing,” and it does not require we figure all this out from our armchairs. The libertarian view can recognize that contracts about consensual, intentional transfers of title; that manifesting such consent is a matter of communication; that making determinations about the nature of a contract, or title transfer, is necessarily a fact-specific, context-bound inquiry.

  • Stephan Kinsella Author Profile Page
  • Just to clarify, as some seem to be missing the point. I am not saying any particular contract is invalid–in fact if anything I’m saying this is not a libertarian issue–libertarianism helps define the abstract principles of justice; but application is a practical, technical matter and very context-bound.Second, I see no reason why two parties couldn’t agree to a contract that is amendable according to specified procedures–assuming this is really what the parties agreed to. I’m merely saying that the existence of a clause in the fine print is not definitive proof that this was actually agreed to.
  • Published: May 8, 2009 11:24 PM
  • Stephan Kinsella Author Profile Page
  • Let me add here a couple of glosses on this. The following quote is taken from my article Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law:

    Yet, Barnett does not provide a rigorous argument showing where are the exact limits of the ability to deduce concrete rules. He evidently feels that the more abstract principles can, for some reason, be established by armchair theorists. If denizens of the ivory tower can do this, why can they not deduce or establish more concrete rules by simply considering more and more contextual facts? In the
    Roman law system—a somewhat decentralized legal system superior in many ways to the common law—Roman jurists (jurisconsults) helped develop the great body of Roman law by providing opinions on the best way to resolve disputes. These disputes were often purely hypothetical or imaginary cases, in which the jurists asked: “under such and such a possible or conceivable combination of circumstances, what would the law require?”25 It is conceivable that a large part or even all of the legal code existing in a given society can be “deduced” in this fashion, and then these rules applied like precedents to actual controversies as they arise. As a libertarian (and, I confess, a lawyer), I must say that I believe I would be more comfortable living under a set of concrete rules deduced by libertarian philosophers than the (perhaps more concrete) set of rules developed under the actual common law.

    Still, Barnett’s argument in favor of a common-law system makes sense, even to libertarians who favor a deductive approach to rights (Hoppe 1989b, p. 131; Rothbard 1998; Kinsella 1997, pp. 607–45). Legal rules must be concrete in the sense that the rules must take into account the entire relevant factual context. Since there are an infinite number of factual situations that could exist in interactions between individuals, a process which focuses on actual cases or controversies is likely to produce the most “interesting” or useful rules.26 It probably makes little sense devoting scarce time and resources to developing legal precepts for imaginary or unrealistic scenarios. If nothing else, a common-law type system that develops and refines legal precepts as new cases arise serves as a sort of filter that selects which disputes (i.e., real, commonly-encountered ones) to devote attention to.

    [26: This is analogous to Mises’s method selecting certain empirical assumptions (e.g., assuming there is money instead of barter) to develop “interesting” laws based on the fundamental axioms of praxeology, rather than irrelevant or uninteresting (though not invalid) laws.

    For further discussion of the role of codes and jurists, see my Legislation and the Discovery of Law in a Free Society.

  • Published: May 9, 2009 12:03 AM

Update: I stumbled across some interesting language in an older (1825) version of the Louisiana Civil Codes, which beautifully supports what I have said many time to libertarian formalists and literalists who keep equating the contract with the writing:

Art. 1755.—The contract must not be confounded with the instrument in writing by which it is witnessed. The contract may subsist, although the written act may, for some defect, be declared void ; and the written act may be good and authentic, although the contract it witnesses be illegal. The contract itself is only void for some cause or defect determined by law.

I can’t find an analogue in the modern La. Civil Code (see Arts. 1906, 1907 etc.); this provision must have been removed at some point.

Update 2: For an example, see the absurd terms in the Jones Plantation terms and conditions here; discussed here and in the comments to this video.

Update 3: See my post Masnick: Replying To An Email Does Not Create A Contract (And Does Not Require Walmart Pay $600 Billion).

Update: Disney seeks to dismiss New York doctor’s allergy death suit using Disney+ subscription terms (2) (14 August 2024)

Archived comments:

{ 15 comments… read them below or add one }

Carolus Petri May 8, 2009 at 5:49 pm

This is an excellent post by Mr. Kinsella!

I think it could be added, however, that no libertarian worth his salt ought ever to air an opinion on contracts without first having read Professor Randy E. Barnett’s most illuminating article “A Consent Theory of Contracts”, Columbia Law Review, vol. 86, no. 2 (March, 1986): 269–321, which is available on-line via http://www.randybarnett.com/pdf/consenttheory.pdf.

REPLY

Mike Cuneo May 8, 2009 at 5:51 pm

I agree with most of this but the part about the fine print and both parties “agreeing to it” makes me question the theory behind what you’re saying.

Does this line of thinking work both ways?

For example, say the vendor is fully aware that the customers just click the “I Agree…” box without reading what’s actually there. And in that text were all the terms and conditions of, say, downloading an anti-virus program. However, the company makes promises in that text that cause it to lose money, for example people find a loophole in a “free trial” that allows them to sign up over and over. Is all of this now null and void because of a mistake on the vendor’s part? Clearly not reading the T/C is a mistake, one that I make every time I click, but I feel safe knowing that the minute someone does actually click and sign away half his income, it would be all over the news and I would then have to start reading more carefully. But to me, an agreement is an agreement, as long as no force or coercion is involved of course.

REPLY

Raja May 8, 2009 at 8:06 pm

So, in effect, you are saying that if I click through the terms of use agreement without reading it (or the fine print), there has been no meeting of the minds and the contract should not be enforceable? But when you sign a contract (or click the button) do you not _explicitly_ agree that you have _read and understood_ the contract? If you have, in fact, not read and understood the contract then you have defrauded the vendor. So even if the fine print does say you owe the lender 50% of your future income — which, I agree, should not be enforceable — are you not responsible for making the vendor whole on any property he transfers to you upon signing the contract? Surely you don’t disagree?

So how does one extend this to non-property items such as software. How does one prevent users from violating their terms of use agreement on the technicality that they just clicked through it?

REPLY

Stephan Kinsella May 8, 2009 at 8:25 pm

Carolus Petri: Re Barnett’s paper: I agree.

Mike Cuneo:
I’m not sure what you are asking. If you are asking for a definitive pronouncement from me, on an incomplete hypo-this is the problem I mentioned regarding armchair reasoning.

“But to me, an agreement is an agreement, as long as no force or coercion is involved of course.”

Well, yes, but the question is: what IS the agreement? My point is: you can’t just ASSUME it’s exactly equivalent to “the paper document”. That is just *evidence of* the parties’ intent.

Raja:

“So, in effect, you are saying that if I click through the terms of use agreement without reading it (or the fine print), there has been no meeting of the minds and the contract should not be enforceable? But when you sign a contract (or click the button) do you not _explicitly_ agree that you have _read and understood_ the contract? If you have, in fact, not read and understood the contract then you have defrauded the vendor. So even if the fine print does say you owe the lender 50% of your future income — which, I agree, should not be enforceable — are you not responsible for making the vendor whole on any property he transfers to you upon signing the contract? Surely you don’t disagree?”

If you are asking for a definitive pronouncement from me, on an incomplete hypo-this is the problem I mentioned regarding armchair reasoning.

REPLY

Sovy Kurosei May 8, 2009 at 8:36 pm

EULAs (click-wrap) licenses were intended to protect the vendor from liability. It would be (or should be) impossible for the EULA to enforce a clause that allows the vendor to take half of the customer’s income because the vendor would not be able to prove that the person actually accepted the agreement or not. All they know is that in order to use the software the user has to accept the agreement. If the software is misused and the user ends up in trouble then the vendor isn’t liable.

Unfortunately the times are changing. A recent example would be Blizzard v Glider where Blizzard was able to use their EULA and TOS to put an injunction against Glider software. If I recall correctly the basis of the argument was that Blizzard licenses their software, and that if the player breaks the TOS by using botting software (Glider) then the user would be committing copyright infringement since they are not authorized to have a copy of World of Warcraft in their computer’s RAM.

REPLY

Alex May 8, 2009 at 9:22 pm

Take the newspaper example one step further: vending machines. You put money into a slot, press two buttons, and product comes out. A perfectly valid contract with no interpersonal contact involved whatsoever.

REPLY

P.M.Lawrence May 8, 2009 at 10:18 pm

“To my mind, a written agreement is only evidence of what the parties actually agreed to. But it is rebuttable.”

Contracts are generally read in the light of the “Parole Evidence Rule”, which basically states that oral matter may not amend written matter in a contract unless the written matter states that the oral matter is applicable. So oral matter could be used to clarify written matter, but not to modify it unless that possibility were spelled out in writing. And there are all sorts of issues to do with agreement by conduct as well, e.g. if a debtor started paying instalments with notes stating that was happening, and the creditor took the payments without clearly rejecting the implied instalment terms, then the creditor would have a hard time trying to get payment in full (having accepted the instalment scheme).

REPLY

Mark Alger May 8, 2009 at 10:54 pm

My understanding of this may be primitive and naive, but I don’t see this as a problem with the contracts as they exist so much as with the law which allows a contract to be altered willy-nilly and unilaterally.

I see this as particularly so in the case of a credit card holder with a large balance. This person can be seen to be over a barrel and the alteration of the contract with the only option being to “pay up and walk” amounting to coercion.

And I see this as an abdication by the state of a fiduciary responsbility to prevent, obviate, or adjudicate fraud and coercion in private commercial transactions.

Most shrinkwrap and clickwrap EULA’s and TOS’s have provisions in them which permit the issuer to alter the terms — practically — ad lib. I can’t see this as being just in any way.

M

REPLY

Stephan Kinsella May 8, 2009 at 11:24 pm

Just to clarify, as some seem to be missing the point. I am not saying any particular contract is invalid–in fact if anything I’m saying this is not a libertarian issue–libertarianism helps define the abstract principles of justice; but application is a practical, technical matter and very context-bound.

Second, I see no reason why two parties couldn’t agree to a contract that is amendable according to specified procedures–assuming this is really what the parties agreed to. I’m merely saying that the existence of a clause in the fine print is not definitive proof that this was actually agreed to.

REPLY

Alexander S. Peak May 8, 2009 at 11:36 pm

Kinsella: “For example supposed buried in fine print for a contract for sale of a $20 software program is the provision, ‘Buyer agrees to give 50% of his income to Vendor for life.’ Is this enforceable? Of course not. Why not? Because there was no agreement to this.”

I’m not so sure that’s the reason we want to be giving for the non-enforceability of such a clause.

I have not read your article “Inalienability and Punishment,” but since I agree with you that this clause would not be enforceable even if the person signing the contract had read and understood the contract in full, I’m therefore inclined to suspect that whatever argument you present in the aforementioned article should suffice to explain why the 50% life income clause would not be enforceable, and therefore am further inclined to see no need to make the unnecessary jump of assuming that the lack of having read a contract implies any additional unenforceability above and beyond this.

My personal opinion on the matter at this time–and perhaps this is the/an argument you present in “Inalienability and Punishment”–is this: if you do not wish to surrender 50% of your income for the rest of your life, you don’t have to; all you have to do is return whatever scarce thing(s) you bought. If no scarce thing was purchased, you need not return anything.

My current inclination is to say that if a party agrees formally to a title-transfer, then she is bound to it, regardless of whether she read it, except in those cases where she would not be bound to it even if she did read it. If I see a well-rationed argument to the contrary, I’ll then reconsider.

Cheers,
Alex Peak

REPLY

Stephan Kinsella May 8, 2009 at 11:48 pm

Alex, not sure if I agree with you about “just returning the scarce thing you got” to get out of a contract. I do agree that inalienability concerns may be the reason you get out of it in the case mentioned; or the contract principles I mentioned. YOu could even argue there is an implicit duty of good faith, that means that the vendor is implicitly promising that his fine-print terms are “reasonable” or “default/normal” ones, and if others are “snuck in” it’s a type of fraud.

The details are not important to me; this is for the legal system to slog out.

REPLY

Stephan Kinsella May 9, 2009 at 12:03 am

Let me add here a couple of glosses on this. The following quote is taken from my article Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law:

Yet, Barnett does not provide a rigorous argument showing where are the exact limits of the ability to deduce concrete rules. He evidently feels that the more abstract principles can, for some reason, be established by armchair theorists. If denizens of the ivory tower can do this, why can they not deduce or establish more concrete rules by simply considering more and more contextual facts? In the
Roman law system—a somewhat decentralized legal system superior in many ways to the common law—Roman jurists (jurisconsults) helped develop the great body of Roman law by providing opinions on the best way to resolve disputes. These disputes were often purely hypothetical or imaginary cases, in which the jurists asked: “under such and such a possible or conceivable combination of circumstances, what would the law require?”25 It is conceivable that a large part or even all of the legal code existing in a given society can be “deduced” in this fashion, and then these rules applied like precedents to actual controversies as they arise. As a libertarian (and, I confess, a lawyer), I must say that I believe I would be more comfortable living under a set of concrete rules deduced by libertarian philosophers than the (perhaps more concrete) set of rules developed under the actual common law.

Still, Barnett’s argument in favor of a common-law system makes sense, even to libertarians who favor a deductive approach to rights (Hoppe 1989b, p. 131; Rothbard 1998; Kinsella 1997, pp. 607–45). Legal rules must be concrete in the sense that the rules must take into account the entire relevant factual context. Since there are an infinite number of factual situations that could exist in interactions between individuals, a process which focuses on actual cases or controversies is likely to produce the most “interesting” or useful rules.26 It probably makes little sense devoting scarce time and resources to developing legal precepts for imaginary or unrealistic scenarios. If nothing else, a common-law type system that develops and refines legal precepts as new cases arise serves as a sort of filter that selects which disputes (i.e., real, commonly-encountered ones) to devote attention to.

[26: This is analogous to Mises’s method selecting certain empirical assumptions (e.g., assuming there is money instead of barter) to develop “interesting” laws based on the fundamental axioms of praxeology, rather than irrelevant or uninteresting (though not invalid) laws.

For further discussion of the role of codes and jurists, see my Legislation and the Discovery of Law in a Free Society.

REPLY

Martin OB May 9, 2009 at 12:02 pm

I pretty much agree with the author. I think the libertarian position about contracts, as opposed to the statist position, is that people should be free to reach agreements as they see fit, and the state should keep away as long as both remain happy with it.

Most of the time, none of the parties wants to break the agreement. Focusing on those problematic, relatively infrequent cases, while statists dispute people’s right to trade and relate to each other in their own terms (labor regulations, affirmative action and so on) is, in my opinion, a distraction.

REPLY

Ant May 9, 2009 at 3:19 pm

take it to the courts to decide if a contract is right

REPLY

filc August 26, 2009 at 3:50 pm

Seems to me most modern EULA’s, licenses agreements, and other various common forms of contractual agreements only exist because of the large influential play by the state.

In a true libertarian society with less state or no state many of your written contracts would not only be simplified on basic private property principles but other contractual agreements may just disseapear all together. As property transfers ownership liability goes along with it.

The responsibility then lies on the consumer to be a responsible consumer and purchase a quality good. Not to have the public bail them out when they got scammed for being negligent in researching whom the do business with.

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{ 2 comments }

[update: see also Roderick Long, Advocatus Diaboli, and my and others’ comments; and Sheldon Richman, Walmart: Yea or Nay?, and my comments]

From the Mises Blog:

The Walmart Question, or, the Unsupported Assertions of Left-Libertarianism

04/26/2009

In Three notes for the critics of the critics of apologists for Wal-Mart, Charles Johnson/”Rad Geek” weighs in on this matter, criticizing, inter alia, Huebert and me. The following is not so much a direct reply to Johnson, but rather my own independent take on the ongoing disagreements between libertarians and soi-disant “left-libertarians.”

First, I don’t think any of us normal libertarians disagrees with the left-libertarians that every one of the state interventions they criticize should be abolished. (I say “normal” libertarians here for want of a better term: I reject the implication that the left-libertarians’ opponents are “paleo” libertarians; but just non-left, or normal ones.) We all agree that eminent domain, government roads, pro-union legislation, minimum wage laws, and even state incorporation statutes (with their limited liability and corporate-legal-personality traits) should be abolished. We all agree that these various laws distort the economy and are unjust.

But the left libertarians keep making unsupported assertions pivoting off these fairly trivial, uncontroversial observations. For example, they seem to think some of these laws amount to a net benefit, at least for some corporations. I see no reason to assume this. I rather think that absent all these provisions (and other state interventions, such as taxation), the Macys and Walmarts would be on net much better off. Lockheed–maybe not. Federal employees–no. They’d be unemployed. But normal, productive firms? Call me crazy, but I think the state harms them, and harms the great bulk of people on net.

If you abolish the incorporation statutes, then per Hessen you’d still have corporations anyway, and probably still have limited liability, since there is no reason to attribute vicarious liability to “shareholders” anyway (see Corporations and Limited Liability for Torts). And even if you did succeed in holding them liable, corporate D&O insurance would simply be extended to cover shareholders too. This would lead to a very slight increase in costs to corporations, but no major systemic change that would lead us to expect international/long distance commerce and multinational enterprises would shrivel and die.

If you abolish eminent domain, then Walmart’s costs would increase ever so slightly. This is because as far as I know eminent domain is used only occasionally–I’ve seen no reason to think it’s even 1% of their stores; and even then, Walmart has to pay for the land. Yes, the price paid is presumably less than they would have had to have paid otherwise; or the land location is somewhat better than free market alternatives, but you can see this is all marginal: the location is a bit better; the price is a bit less–for a presumably very small number of stores. In my view, no sane person thinks Walmart’s basic business model would be affected in the slightest if eminent domain were unavailable.

As for state roads–the left-libs keep asserting that these provide a disproportionate advantage to “big box” retailers and other aesthetically displeasingly “big” firms. This seems to be an assertion to me. The mom and pop hardware store near my home has its shelves stocked with products manufactured in China, shipped using the same transportation networks that “big box” retailers use.

(Now I will grant that the larger firms probably benefit disproportionately from the effects of minimum wage and pro-union legislation, but you don’t hear the left-libertarians fulminating much about those laws–and certainly not against militant unions and “wildcat strikes” (see ch. 3 of Carson’s book). To some libertarians, there may be a perception–how justified, I cannot say, but in any event not that surprising–that left-libertarianism is a bit tainted by what appears to be a sentimental, bizarre rhapsodizing over “localism” and quasi-Marxoid ideas like “wage-slavery,” alienation from labor, “the workers,” and so on.)

And so what if you are right? Let’s say Walmart does receive some kind of net subsidy now. Well, so what? We all oppose the state actions that result in the subsidy. And here we come to what I think is perhaps the greatest weakness of the left-libertarian anti-corporate project. If their analysis merely led them to have different predictions than normal libertarians, who cares. We all agree that the state and its various interferences ought to be abolished; I’m sure we would all be willing to see what happens: whether we’d have a world of hippie hemp-wearing peace and love worker self-sufficient coop localist organic vegan acoustic guitar by campfire communes and kibbutzes, or a modern, vibrant, industrialized, capitalist world of international trade and multinational enterprises. Then this debate would be merely one of predictions and personal preferences; it would be similar to the way I think the debate between Rothbardians and freebankers on the fractional reserve “fraud” issue should be handled, namely, even though I agree with the former that fractional reserve banking is economically disastrous, I’d be happy to see fractional reserve banks compete with real banks so long as adequate disclosures were made to the customers.

But it is not merely a debate about predictions. It is used to inform their views of legitimate property holdings, and justice. In various debates, centered around the vandarchism issue–the legitimacy of hooligans’ bashing in Macy’s windows–the left-libertarians have steadfastly refused to grant that Macy’s and Walmart are the legitimate owners of their property. They seem to think there is no need to carefully adumbrate a theory of responsibility and then to carefully apply this to particular cases. Walter Block has attempted the beginnings of such a theory, e.g. see his Toward a Libertarian Theory of Guilt and Punishment for the Crime of Statism. But the left-libertarians seem to think they can just hand-wave at some libertarian deviations of Walmart, as if this suffices to show that Walmart is not the real owner. They think the debate instantly turns to the question of who the owner is: is it the workers, or the brick-throwing hooligans, or taxpayers, or is it unowned and subject to homesteading? But the assumption is that the corporation is not the owner. They think this is uncontroversial–or, at least, that they don’t need to provide an argument for this.

I think they do. Without a coherent theory, we are left with basically some kind of implicit unclean hands approach–if you can point to unlibertarian acts, then the actor or recipient has no rights. The problem is that if this theory is not spelled out, it can be used by anyone based on their pet preferences, to attack whoever they dislike. The thing is, we do live in an unfree world. Virtually every person, and every firm, is entangled in the state’s web. No one is lily-white. We all use the roads. We all “benefit” directly or indirectly from state spending of stolen funds. Mindlessly adopting a stark unclean hands theory without nuance or adumbration results in nihilism and a war of all against all. Under such a theory, there are no rights left; everyone is criminal, and has no property rights.

Obviously, this is not libertarian. To declare a firm like Macys or Walmart to be criminal, to penalize it by removing its right to exist and to own property–to refuse to condemn, on principled grounds, those vandals and squatters who trespass on or vandalize its property–requires a coherent theory of justice applied to individuals living in an unfree world. To my knowledge, the left-libertarians have not done this; they have not even tried. (N.B.: authors of papers along these lines are welcome to submit them to me for consideration for publication in Libertarian Papers.) Until they do, their anti-corporate screeds will continue to be perceived as inexplicably hostile attacks on commerce and industry, based on merely personal (and somewhat quaint and naive, if not bizarre) preferences. I won’t say put up or shut up–but I will say, put up, or expect to be relegated, in the minds of normal libertarians, to quasi-crank status.

***

Archived comments:

Comments (28)

  • BioTube
  • Let’s imagine for a moment that corporations really have no rights and there’s really a question as to who the actual owner of Walmart property is. Since the stockholders collectively ‘own’ the company, it follows that if we ignore corporations the owners of the property are the stockholders. In fact, looked at this way, corporations are little more than investment funds. Thus, we can see just how ridiculous the “Walmart has no rights” mantra is – it might have none of its own, but it exercises the rights of the shareholders in their stead. I hope that makes sense.
  • Published: April 26, 2009 11:09 AM

  • RWW
  • It seems to me that the whole argument (on both sides) centers on speculation — specifically, as to whether Walmart could exist in something like its current form in a free market. I happen to mostly agree with you, Stephan, that it could. But what does it really matter? Is the other side advocating some form of state aggression against Walmart?It’s similar to the immigration debate within the “libertarian community” — would immigration to the territory of the U.S. be at similar levels if the U.S. had a much more free market (including full property rights)? I believe so, but what does it matter? As long as those who disagree are not in favor of using the current state system to keep “illegal immigrants” out, in order to approximate their vision of free market conditions, the disagreement is a minor point.
  • Published: April 26, 2009 11:19 AM

  • RWW
  • (I realize that Stephan addressed these points to some extent in his article.)
  • Published: April 26, 2009 11:23 AM

  • Stephan KinsellaAuthor Profile Page
  • RWW–it’s not so much that they are advocating aggression directly. It’s that they seem to believe that these corporations are not legitimate owners of their property. This of course opens the door to justifying worker sit-ins, vandalism, and the like. In my view, if they want to assert Walmart and the like don’t own their property, they need to come up with a coherent, general, libertarian-compatible theory that explains who does own what, and why, in a mixed economy–from individual homeowners to taxpayers to corporations. I’m waiting, but won’t hold my breath …
  • Published: April 26, 2009 11:51 AM

  • Cosmin
  • I didn’t yet take position on this, but I’ve got a question: how does a corporation satisfy the window-breaker’s right to face his accuser in court?
  • Published: April 26, 2009 12:23 PM

  • scott t
  • this may have been disussed in previous posts…whether ownership means the right to control a particular item.
    if 4 people own something and 1 is using it…can it be said then that 3 people can actually own the item.
    or are there really just competing usage attempts amongst the owners and more of a right to exclude others from use?
  • Published: April 26, 2009 2:40 PM

  • DJF
  • The question that seems to need answering is what is ownership? And while there is plenty of debate on the rights of ownerships, there seems to be little on what is the responsibility of ownership? Does ownership mean only that you have the right to use something or get benefit from it or does it also mean that ownership means you also have to pay for the costs of that ownership and have responsibly of ownership?If I own a piece of property that includes a tree and that tree falls over into my neighbors property and destroys their car am I responsible since I own the tree?If my wife and I jointly own the property are we both responsible?

    If my wife and I create a limited liability corporation called “Tree Ltd” and the tree falls over onto my neighbors car does this mean that only that corporation is liable and that the rest of my wife’s and I’s property is safe from lawsuit? So the only asset that my neighbor can get is the firewood from that tree to pay for the new car he needs.

    Another question is who is an owner? If you want to talk about clear property rights of owners should there not there also be a clear definition of who is the owner or owners of that property?

    If shareowners have voluntarily collectively joined together to own that property does this not also mean that they have voluntarily collectively joined together to take responsibly for that property. If we say that shareowners are not responsible for their ownership then who is, the management, the board of directors, nobody?

    Finally a thought about a statement in the original article “And even if you did succeed in holding them liable, corporate D&O; insurance would simply be extended to cover shareholders too. This would lead to a very slight increase in costs to corporations, but no major systemic change that would lead us to expect international/long distance commerce and multinational enterprises would shrivel and die.”. How do you know what the costs will be, right now we have banks with billions and trillions in liability for bad business practices. They made huge amounts of contracts which they did not have the money to pay off and without government taxpayer bailout these corporations would be economic “black holes” which would have far more debt then any insurance could pay off. In fact AIG is an insurance company which can’t even pay off its own liability.

    If it is true as the author states that this is only a minor cost then we should immediately end all government sponsored limited liability now since it is obviously not needed. However as shown by the banking and insurance business today, corporations are quite capable of creating massive debt that is beyond any possibly of insurance covering the costs and we need to decide who should be first in line to pay back what money that can be paid back. Is management responsible, is the board of directors, is the shareowners, is no one responsible?

    So instead of talking about Wal-Mart which today seems and I repeat seems not to have massive liability for debt, lets change it too Citibank or Goldman Sachs or AIG which as we all know today have managed to created astronomical levels of debt they can‘t pay off. Who owns these corporations, who is responsible, who should be required to pay off the debt that these corporations have created? I don’t think anyone at Mises.org thinks that the taxpayer should pay off these debts so who do you think should, the management, the board of directors, the stockowners, those who lent these corporations the money they lost? Are these debts the responsibly of real flesh and blood humans or is it the responsibly of a piece of paper called a corporation that was created and run by real flesh and blood humans?

  • Published: April 26, 2009 2:41 PM

  • BioTube
  • DJF, limited liability is merely a contractual thing(government recognition just saves paperwork, really). Rather than a whimsical comparison to a tree, remember that corporations are just vehicles of investment. If I give somebody $50000 to invest and he instead uses it to rob the Federal Reserve’s New York branch(yes it’s whimsical, but better than a tree), should I be held liable because I unwittingly funded his misdeed? In the same way, stockholders in a corporation are very rarely to blame – that belongs to the people who conspired to break the law(this is where corporate personhood becomes a problem, since the perpetrators can get off scot-free while the investors suffer large fines).
  • Published: April 26, 2009 3:03 PM

  • DJF
  • “”””DJF, limited liability is merely a contractual thing(government recognition just saves paperwork, really). “”””No, the government imposes many of those “contractual things” on those who have not agreed to the contract so its not just “saving paperwork”.“””””Rather than a whimsical comparison to a tree, remember that corporations are just vehicles of investment.””””

    There is nothing whimsical about that tree if it falls on your car. So who should pay, the owner of the tree or the owner of the car, or should the assets of “Tree Ltd” be the only thing at risk?

    “”””If I give somebody $50000 to invest and he instead uses it to rob the Federal Reserve’s New York branch(yes it’s whimsical, but better than a tree), should I be held liable because I unwittingly funded his misdeed?”””

    But your not just an investor you as stockowner collectively have control of that corporation and appoint the board of directors who appoint the management. So if the people you put in charge rob the Fed then you say you have no responsibility for the corporation or the people you hired? What if you were a stockowner in “Rob the New York Fed Ltd” would you have any responsibility then?

    So as I asked above, what is ownership, who is an owner and what benefits and costs are there in ownership. Also should there not be a clear title on ownership so those who own are known and their responsibilities clear?

  • Published: April 26, 2009 5:35 PM

  • BioTube
  • No, the government imposes many of those “contractual things” on those who have not agreed to the contract so its not just “saving paperwork”.

    A creditor has the option not to deal with a corporation, as does a consumer. In a free market, do you really think that these companies wouldn’t insert like-functioning clauses into contracts?

    There is nothing whimsical about that tree if it falls on your car. So who should pay, the owner of the tree or the owner of the car, or should the assets of “Tree Ltd” be the only thing at risk?

    In all odds, the owners of your Tree Ltd are also its employees; in any case, they are culpable for their actions.

    But your not just an investor you as stockowner collectively have control of that corporation and appoint the board of directors who appoint the management. So if the people you put in charge rob the Fed then you say you have no responsibility for the corporation or the people you hired? What if you were a stockowner in “Rob the New York Fed Ltd” would you have any responsibility then?

    As long as you did not sanction their actions, then vicarious liability ought not apply(unfortunately, it often does in today’s legal system).

    So as I asked above, what is ownership, who is an owner and what benefits and costs are there in ownership. Also should there not be a clear title on ownership so those who own are known and their responsibilities clear?

    If I did not sanction an action and took reasonable measures against it, then I have fulfilled my obligation. Individuals acting against my wishes in my name do not make me liable.

  • Published: April 26, 2009 6:06 PM

  • DJF
  • “”””A creditor has the option not to deal with a corporation, as does a consumer. In a free market, do you really think that these companies wouldn’t insert like-functioning clauses into contracts?”””But if I have not agreed to contract then I am a third party and so the contract does not apply. And third parties such as the owner of the car which got crushed by your tree is someone who did not voluntarily agree to deal with “Tree Ltd”“”””In all odds, the owners of your Tree Ltd are also its employees; in any case, they are culpable for their actions.””’

    So they hired some teenager to act as manager of “Tree Ltd” and he is responsible? He does not have the money to even buy his own car let alone buy me an new on. There are plenty of way of hiring employees with little or no assets to avoid liability if you claim that employees are to be held responsible

    “”””If I did not sanction an action and took reasonable measures against it, then I have fulfilled my obligation. Individuals acting against my wishes in my name do not make me liable. “”””

    But did you take reasonable measures against it. Did you inspect your tree, did you get insurance on your tree, did you warn your neighbor on the danger of parking next to your defective tree, did you chop down your defective tree?

    And how about if you are a stockowner in AIG, did you keep track of what your corporation was doing, did you monitor the level of Credit Default Swaps which AIG took out? Did you organize with your fellow stockowners and remove the management which was sending your corporation over an economic cliff. What exactly did you do as part owner to take “reasonable measures” against the bad economic decisions of AIG? Or did you just collect your dividend and watch your stock price soar?

  • Published: April 26, 2009 6:55 PM

  • BioTube
  • First of all, stop with the tree: acts of God are completely different than acts of man and treated as such. Thus, the tree falling on your car because of a storm is between you and your insurance company – the tree’s owner is only responsible for removing it from your premises. If a lumberjack were hired to cut it down, then he would be liable(especially if he could see your property); the owners would be liable if the property line(or your car) is hidden and they neglected to inform the treefeller of the fact.As for corporate stockholders, not every activity is available for their analysis. In addition, it seems nobody with a public presence realized CDSes were at all dangerous. Besides, AIG did nothing more criminal than New Coke.
  • Published: April 26, 2009 7:27 PM

  • Matthew Dawson
  • I really hate to say this, but this post really misses the point. The argument that Carson, Long, Johnson, et al. are making is that Wal-Mart (and similar big-box retail stores) exist in their current forms due to the socialization of certain costs. It doesn’t have anything to do with the existence of corporations in a free market or the moral status of corporate property. Whether or not Wal-Mart actually “owns” their property is beside the point.Furthermore, I haven’t seen one prominent left-libertarian actually defending window smashing; the position that Long and Carson hold (and the one the Johnson mentions in the post you link to) is that such things have to be decided on a case-by-case, contextual basis. Which is, as far as I know, the “normal” libertarian position as well.
  • Published: April 26, 2009 8:05 PM

  • newson
  • windows smashers are expelled from the libertarian camp automatically (the bastiat clause). vandalism, even against state-owned property, is odious and mindless.
  • Published: April 26, 2009 9:51 PM

  • Marco
  • DJF:Creating a Tree Inc. does nothing to change the fact that the tree was in your property and fell into another’s causing damage.The creation of a corporation does not erase the preexisting state of affairs any more than I can start Murder Co., shoot you in the face and enjoy limited liability, instead of being tried for murder.
  • Published: April 26, 2009 10:21 PM

  • Roderick T. Long
  • Comrade Stephan, I don’t think you can have read Charles’ post very carefully. Because all the arguments you respond to above are the very ones he explicitly says in the post that he’s not making.
  • Published: April 26, 2009 11:54 PM

  • Peter
  • If I own a piece of property that includes a tree and that tree falls over into my neighbors property and destroys their car am I responsible since I own the tree?Did you do anything that could legitimately be foreseen to cause the tree to fall? If not, I don’t see why you should be held responsible. The neighbor should have insurance for these kind of events. What if a tree that was on unowned land fell on his car?
  • Published: April 27, 2009 3:16 AM

  • Stephan KinsellaAuthor Profile Page
  • Roderick,”Comrade Stephan, I don’t think you can have read Charles’ post very carefully. Because all the arguments you respond to above are the very ones he explicitly says in the post that he’s not making.”I’ve modified the introductory paragraph to make it clear my post is not so much a reply to Johnson; his post was just the launching point.

    I’m trying to frame the issues to try to be clear on just where and why there is disagreement between libertarians and left-libs.

  • Published: April 27, 2009 8:01 AM

  • ed42
  • Stephan,It appears that you only addressed 1/2 the road question; that of the transportation of goods to the retail outlet side (of which I agree with your conclusion).The other 1/2 of the road question is getting the goods from the retail location to the consumer. In a non-state environment I ASSUME the further one drives the higher the toll (the current USA gas taxes somewhat model this) – that consumers would really pay their ‘fair share’ of road building/maintenance. I speculate that this would lead to 1) less often trips to market (but buying more on each trip) and/or 2) more neighborhood (within walking/biking distance) mom&pop; stores (most likely within neighborhood homes).

    It’s this current lack of highly distributed mom&pop; model due to zoning restrictions and not paying actual cost of road use where I guess (no hard numbers) the big box stores get the benefit of state intervention.

  • Published: April 27, 2009 9:18 AM

  • William H Stoddard
  • “No net benefit” is too easy a criterion, I think. Aren’t there historical cases of large established firms favoring government regulation that is a burden for them, because it is a bigger burden on their newer and smaller competitors? I think it needs to be shown not just that government inflicts deadweight costs on firms such as Walmart, but that those costs burden such firms and their competitors to a similar extent.
  • Published: April 27, 2009 9:57 AM

  • Stephan KinsellaAuthor Profile Page
  • Ed42– what is your question?As for the subsidized transportation issue: many international sellers pay for transportation, such as Japanese autos shipped over to the US, or oil shipped from the Middle East–across the ocean, on ships. AFAIK these shipping costs are not subsidized, and are substantial. Yet Toyota still sells cars in the US. For this reason the idea that localism will prevail if you stop subsidizing roads strikes me as silly.
  • Published: April 27, 2009 9:58 AM

  • Rothbard is a Red 🙂
  • You sure it isn’t like this?Left-Libertarian: “Let’s make a big deal about Wal-Mart, so maybe the leftists / Marxists / anarchists will really like us, and possibly accept some libertarian / anti-statist ideas!”Left-Libertarian: “Wal-Mart is evil! Wal-Mart sux!”

    Leftist: “True, but so are libertarians.”

    Anarchist: “Property sux!”

    Marxist: “Yes, overthrow Wal-Mart and create a communist state!”

    Normal-Libertarian: “I don’t think it’s working….”

    Left-Libertarian: “Enough of your corporate-statist apologetic and vulgarism! See, they like me…they really like me!”

  • Published: April 27, 2009 10:18 AM

  • Mike
  • “I’m trying to frame the issues to try to be clear on just where and why there is disagreement between libertarians and left-libs.”Cute.
  • Published: April 27, 2009 11:13 AM

  • Todd
  • Corporations are not the private property of individuals. Instead, they are collective institutions propped up with favorable regulation (e.g. limited liability). America was founded on individual rights, against ALL collective institutions. The founding fathers attacked the ships of the East India Trading Co. in the Boston Tea Party because England had lowered its export taxes to zero. That is, the founding fathers were pissed at the corporation. Jefferson wanted protection from the East India Trading Co. written into the Bill of Rights. Madison said “no” only because corporations at that time dissolved automatically and didn’t need controls.Read Accounting Theory by Paton (1922) or The Modern Corporation and Private Property by Berle and Means (1932). This will explain popular opinion when corporations became the dominant economic institution in the world. At that time, everyone knew, but accepted, that corporations as collective institutions operate outside the free-market of individual businesses.I am a red-blooded American and a libertarian. I hate collectives institutions that impose on individuals. Am I wrong?
  • Published: April 27, 2009 2:55 PM

  • Repetition
  • >>Am I wrong?Yes.See here:
    http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Corporations.html
  • Published: April 27, 2009 3:08 PM

  • P.M.Lawrence
  • “But the left libertarians keep making unsupported assertions… For example, they seem to think some of these laws amount to a net benefit, at least for some corporations. I see no reason to assume this.” [Emphasis added.]But how are those unsupported, and how are those assumptions? It is possible to agree or disagree with material put forward in support of such things, but it is simply wrong to dismiss the fact that material was put forward.For instance, much material has been offered to rebut Hessen’s ideas that “If you abolish the incorporation statutes, then… you’d still have corporations anyway, and probably still have limited liability…”, and that limited liability is the essential feature of corporations (which means that Repetition’s link is begging the question by citing Hessen).

    That means that there is also question begging, assuming what it seeks to prove, in “But the assumption is that the corporation is not the owner. They [left libertarians et al] think this is uncontroversial–or, at least, that they don’t need to provide an argument for this.” Rather than assuming that corporations are not owners, they see that there is a prevalent assumption that they are legitimately “persons” that can own things at all, and so they suppose that the burden of proof lies the other way. (Myself, I believe that certain types of corporation can exist without state creation and maintenance – I have mentioned monasteries – but the ones that need it have no more standing than the state itself has to create and maintain corporate status, and determining which applies needs to be worked out on a case by case basis rather than assuming corporate legitimacy.)

    So it’s not “Without a coherent theory, we are left with basically some kind of implicit unclean hands approach–if you can point to unlibertarian acts, then the actor or recipient has no rights”. There is a coherent theory, and it has nothing to do with “unlibertarian acts” (except possibly as symptoms), it has to do with whether the “actor or recipient” has any proper existence at all in its own right as opposed to by state fiat.

    So “To declare a firm like Macys or Walmart to be criminal, to penalize it by removing its right to exist and to own property–to refuse to condemn, on principled grounds, those vandals and squatters who trespass on or vandalize its property–requires a coherent theory of justice applied to individuals living in an unfree world” is missing the point and begging the question by casting it in the form “removing its right to exist and to own property” rather than “not assuming and stipulating its right to exist and to own property”. That makes requiring “To my knowledge, the left-libertarians have not done this; they have not even tried” applying the wrong test, just as it would be if all those things were being done in the name of my neighbour’s cat.

    So this is all talking past the issues, on the back of a whole load of assumptions from the other direction.

  • Published: April 27, 2009 11:45 PM

  • DJF
  • Peter writes“”””Did you do anything that could legitimately be foreseen to cause the tree to fall?”””Yes, you declared that that tree was your property and so no one else could stop the tree from falling onto someone else’s property. By declaring it your personnel property with your sole right to control of that tree you stopped others from acting.

    “””“The neighbor should have insurance for these kind of events.””””

    So you don’t properly maintain your tree and your neighbor must pay? And what if his insurance company was AIG whose stockowners had failed to maintain proper control of its debts so the insurance does not pay off the damage. Once again the owners according to some are not held responsible for what they own.

    “”””What if a tree that was on unowned land fell on his car?””’

    Then there is no ownership liability. Plus if the tree was unowned the neighbor could inspect and even take action to prevent the tree from falling on his property. Thanks for showing my point, if you can’t take responsibility for what you own then you should not own it.

    I find it strange that so many free market types seem to have so little idea about the concept of ownership and while they love the benefits of ownership they seem to want to pass the buck on the responsibilities of ownership

  • Published: April 28, 2009 9:25 AM

  • Taylor
  • Stephan,A good post, but be careful with your language. Corporations don’t and can’t exist and therefore they don’t have a right to exist. Individuals exist. Individuals have rights. Individuals have the right to cooperate in a corporate structure.That’s maybe nitpicky but I think we want to be careful to not abuse language any more than we absolutely must to make our points.
  • Published: April 28, 2009 1:39 PM

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The Division of Labor as the Source of Grundnorms and Rights

From the Mises Blog. Archived comments below.

The Division of Labor as the Source of Grundnorms and Rights

04/24/2009

In a previous post [Empathy and the Source of Rights], I argued that empathy is the source of rights. The idea is that any norms that are abided by in society are necessarily norms that are self-undertaken by a community of people who share that value. Civilized people value various grundnorms, which are compatible only with the libertarian private property principles (or so we libertarians believe; this is at the root of Hoppe’s argumentation ethics and my estoppel defenses of libertarian rights, discussed in New Rationalist Directions in Libertarian Rights Theory).

But why do civilized people adopt the various libertarian-related grundnorms, such as peace, prosperity, reluctance to engage in unjustified violence? I think that it is the trait of empathy. Empathy for others is what gives rise to a general reluctance to engage in violent interaction–at least, without a good reason (justification). It is what leads to the “civilized” predisposition—hence the desire for most people—not criminals or outlaws, but civilized people—to find justifications for force, and to engage in it only when they satisfy themselves that despite their prima facie reluctance, it is justified in this type of case. (My view is that the person who is most reluctant, and has the highest standards or thresholds to be satisfied for justifying proposed or desired violence, are just libertarians. And that the most consistent among them recognize that the only good justification to be found is for force that is in response to aggression, or initiated force; and the most hyper-consistent among them are the anarchists. In short, the most “true” libertarians are those who oppose all aggression.)

But why is there empathy? Why do most of us place some value on others’ well-being? I ventured in the previous post that “evolution is probably what led to this trait, as a psychological matter, but that is not that significant to me. So, in a sense, if we must find a ‘source’ of rights, I would say—it is empathy.”

At the time, I overlooked the significance of a Mises quote called to my attention in the comments by Gil Guillory. Gil’s notes Mises’s “contention … that the Ricardian Law of Association gives rise to cooperation and that empathy grows out of cooperation, not the other way around. So, if we are insisting on a source of rights, and we follow Mises in this regard, then it is the self-interested motivation to cooperate that is the source of rights.”

Now I was listening recently to the absolutely riveting 10-part Economy, Society, and History lectures (audio here) delivered by Hans-Hermann Hoppe in 2004. (These lectures set forth the preliminary outlines of Hoppe’s forthcoming major book, tantalizingly mentioned in this interview; his paper On The Origin Of Private Property And The Family is described on his site as being the “abstract of a long chapter within the framework of a major book project.”) In lecture 3, “Money and Monetary Integration: The Growth of Cities and the Globalization of Trade,” starting at around 5:30, Hoppe mentions various passages of Mises related to those noted by Guillory.

According to Hoppe, Mises points out that psychologists and sociologists often explain the origin of the division of labor in some kind of instinct to “truck and barter,” as did Adam Smith. But Mises says we do not need to assume this; we can assume that everyone hates everyone else, and still explain why the division of labor emerges.

After Mises explains why the division of labor will arise, he quotes from Mises (Hoppe, lecture 3, around 13:47) here:

If and as far as labor under the division of labor is more productive than isolated labor, and if and as far as man is able to realize this fact, human action itself tends toward cooperation and association; man becomes a social being not in sacrificing his own concerns for the sake of a mythical Moloch, society, but in aiming at an improvement in his own welfare. Experience teaches that this condition–higher productivity achieved under the division of labor–is present because its cause–the inborn inequality of men and the inequality in the geographical distribution of the natural factors of production–is real. Thus we are in a position to comprehend the course of social evolution.

And at 15:03, Hoppe explains that Mises derives a very important insight from this. Contrary to those like Adam Smith who stipulate some kind of inborn sympathy among mankind as the ultimate case of the division of labor, Mises reverses this and says that it is precisely because of the higher productivity of the division of labor, which makes us dependent on each other, based on our recognition that we all benefit from this dependency on others, that we then develop, so to speak, sympathetic feelings toward others. In other words, sympathy results from, but is not the cause of, the division of labor. He then quotes Mises:

there can emerge between members of society feelings of sympathy and friendship and a sense of belonging together. These feelings are the source of man’s most delightful and most sublime experiences. They are the most precious adornment of life; they lift the animal species man to the heights of a really human existence. However, they are not, as some have asserted, the agents that have brought about social relationships. They are fruits of social cooperation, they thrive only within its frame; they did not precede the establishment of social relations and are not the seed from which they spring.

and, from this section:

The mutual sexual attraction of male and female is inherent in man’s animal nature and independent of any thinking and theorizing. It is permissible to call it original, vegetative, instinctive, or mysterious; there is no harm in asserting metaphorically that it makes one being out of two. We may call it a mystic communion of two bodies, a community. However, neither cohabitation, nor what precedes it and follows, generates social cooperation and societal modes of life. The animals too join together in mating, but they have not developed social relations. Family life is not merely a product of sexual intercourse. It is by no means natural and necessary that parents and children live together in the way in which they do in the family. The mating relation need not result in a family organization. The human family is an outcome of thinking, planning, and acting. It is this very fact which distinguishes it radically from those animal groups which we call per analogiam animal families.

I.e., it is the recognition of the advantages of the division of labor that makes stable family relationships rather than people breaking up and going their own way. And, as Mises notes in this section:

The fundamental facts that brought about cooperation, society, and civilization and transformed the animal man into a human being are the facts that work performed under the division of labor is more productive than isolated work and that man’s reason is capable of recognizing this truth. But for these facts men would have forever remained deadly foes of one another, irreconcilable rivals in their endeavors to secure a portion of the scarce supply of means of sustenance provided by nature. Each man would have been forced to view all other men as his enemies; his craving for the satisfaction of his own appetites would have brought him into an implacable conflict with all his neighbors. No sympathy could possibly develop under such a state of affairs.

Some sociologists have asserted that the original and elementary subjective fact in society is a “consciousness of kind.” [1] Others maintain that there would be no social systems if there were no “sense of community or of belonging together.” [2]One may agree, provided that these somewhat vague and ambiguous terms are correctly interpreted. We may call consciousness of kind, sense of community, or sense of belonging together the acknowledgment of the fact that all other human beings are potential collaborators in the struggle for survival because they are capable of recognizing the mutual benefits of cooperation, while the animals lack this faculty. However, we must not forget that the primary facts that bring about such consciousness or such a sense are the two mentioned above. In a hypothetical world in which the division of labor would not increase productivity, there would not be any society. There would not be any sentiments of benevolence and good will.

I think Hoppe is right. This is an important insight of Mises. Sympathy (and empathy) arise from the division of labor. Since rights stem from empathy, the division of labor is the source of rights. Q.E.D.

***

see also Empathy and the Source of Rights.

Archived comments:

Comments (33)

  • twv

    Surely Mises (or is that Hoppe?) is wrong to assert that “animals obviously lack” the ability to sense advantages in mutual co-operation. Such activity is common in the natural world, especially amongst mammals, and I do not believe that this common activity must be ascribed to instinct. Animals can be quite purposive, though their abilities to construct models of causation and thus plan activities and strategies is often shallow.

    Much work has been done, recently, on the subject of the emotional and cognitive aspects of human evolution, with a great deal of reference to the other Hominidae, our nearest cousins in evolutionary advance. I recommend the fairly recent work by sociologist Jonathan Turner.

    Of course, none of the ideas are new. The importance of sympathy for our complex moral systems (and they are complex) was insisted upon, eloquently, by Adam Smith in THE THEORY OF MORAL SENTIMENTS. This was taken in an explicitly evolutionary direction by Herbert Spencer (see THE PRINCIPLES OF PSYCHOLOGY and later books of his Synthetic Philosophy). Indeed, Turner’s recent work echoes Spencer’s basic approach fairly closely, but with a lot more specific scientific study to back his speculations and arguments up. (We know a lot more about primate evolution since Spencer wrote “PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY and PRINCIPLES OF ETHICS, the two main relevant texts.)

    Mises was quite aware of Spencer’s work, and Mises’ own emphasis on co-operation in social theory, instead of competition, follows directly from Spencer. But, alas, he goes off in a different direction with his notion that the division of labor precedes sympathy. It seems quite evident from primate studies that each of great apes has some capacity for empathy, and each exhibit varying degrees of social cooperation and a division of labor.

    Empathy expanded with the expansion of emotional capacity, which grew out of growing brain size and increasing neural complexity. These things allowed greater co-operation which increased survivability — indeed, a propensity to thrive — which in turns helped select (“by survival of the fittest” in Spencer’s terminology) for increases in emotional intelligence and in empathy itself.

    This dialectical dance of mutually reinforcing factors is typical of evolutionary processes. It also seems, to me, to undercut any “rationalistic” formulation of rights. But that’s another story.

    The importance of empathy for sociality is an important topic. It’s good to see this Spencerian theme reintroduced into the Misesian tradition.

    Published: April 24, 2009 1:36 AM

  • Les

    And don’t forget the insects (bees and ants). They have highly developed communities and defined division of labor. I think the major difference is that they lack freedom of choice.

    Published: April 24, 2009 3:56 AM

  • Chad Rushing

    If libertarianism’s espoused human rights are founded solely upon human emotional states (empathy) or past practices of early human communities (traditions?), how can libertarianism possibly claim any moral imperatives whatsoever? In such a situation, the bases of those human “rights” are purely subjective in nature meaning that libertarian “principles” are in fact just eloquent opinions and nothing more. The admonition “people should …” with its implied moral obligations should be replaced by the phrase “we would prefer people to …” in all libertarian literature.

    The only way that anyone has any unequivocal moral obligations to promote or support human rights (including economic rights) is for those rights to be based on an objective, absolute, moral code that applies to all humanity, past, present, and future, one of a distinctly theistic and, therefore, transcendent nature. Otherwise, it is just a matter of the libertarians and the authoritarians (and the conservatives, liberals, socialists, monarchists, tyrants, etc.) squabbling over differing opinions based on personal preferences as to how human society should work or be organized, none of them being more morally authoritative than any of the others in actuality.

    Published: April 24, 2009 6:11 AM

  • Skye Stewart

    As Roderick pointed out in his Wittgenstein, Austrian Economics, and the Logic of Action, Hoppe, and Rothbard mischaracterized Smith on this point,

    “Contrary to Rothbard’s suggestion, what Smith actually says is:

    “This division of labour, from which so many advantages are derived, is not originally the effect of any human wisdom, which foresees and intends that general opulence to which it gives occasion. It is the necessary, though very slow and gradual consequence of a certain propensity in human nature which has in view no such extensive utility; the propensity to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for another. Whether this propensity be one of those original principles in human nature of which no further account can be given; or whether, *as seems more probable, it be the necessary consequence of the faculties of reason and speech,* it belongs not to our present subject to inquire.” (Wealth of Nations I. 2)

    From wiki, on empathy and mirror nuerons,

    “In Philosophy of mind, mirror neurons have become the primary rallying call of simulation theorists concerning our ‘theory of mind.’ ‘Theory of mind’ refers to our ability to infer another person’s mental state (i.e., beliefs and desires) from their experiences or their behavior. For example, if you see a person reaching into a jar labeled ‘cookies,’ you might assume that he wants a cookie (even if you know the jar is empty) and that he believes there are cookies in the jar.
    There are several competing models which attempt to account for our theory of mind; the most notable in relation to mirror neurons is simulation theory. According to simulation theory, theory of mind is available because we subconsciously empathize with the person we’re observing and, accounting for relevant differences, imagine what we would desire and believe in that scenario. Mirror neurons have been interpreted as the mechanism by which we simulate others in order to better understand them, and therefore their discovery has been taken by some as a validation of simulation theory (which appeared a decade before the discovery of mirror neurons). More recently, Theory of Mind and Simulation have been seen as complementary systems, with different developmental time courses”

    . . .

    “Stephanie Preston and Frans de Waal, Jean Decety, and Vittorio Gallese have independently argued that the mirror neuron system is involved in empathy. A large number of experiments using functional MRI, electroencephalography and magnetoencephalography have shown that certain brain regions (in particular the anterior insula, anterior cingulate cortex, and inferior frontal cortex) are active when a person experiences an emotion (disgust, happiness, pain, etc.) and when he or she sees another person experiencing an emotion. However, these brain regions are not quite the same as the ones which mirror hand actions, and mirror neurons for emotional states or empathy have not yet been described in monkeys. More recently, Christian Keysers at the Social Brain Lab and colleagues have shown that people that are more empathic according to self-report questionnaires have stronger activations both in the mirror system for hand actions and the mirror system for emotions, providing more direct support to the idea that the mirror system is linked to empathy.”

    Published: April 24, 2009 6:52 AM

  • Brian Macker

    What about all those empathy based rights violating philosophies? Surely property rights need to be violated in the name of empathy. Clearly you have way too much stuff precisely because there are people starving in Africa. Where is your empathy for all those starving Africans?

    Published: April 24, 2009 7:08 AM

  • David Ch

    this excerpt piqued my interest:

    ‘But why do civilized people adopt the various libertarian-related grundnorms, such as peace, prosperity, reluctance to engage in unjustified violence? I think that it is the trait of empathy….’

    which I would like to expand on from an evolutionary biology perspective.

    the trait of empathy was hardwired into pre-civilisation man, who shares it with other social primates. However, this empathy is not universal – He lived in small family groups whose survival and thriving depended on co-operation, and the propensity for empathy evolved to foster the behaviours conducive to improved group survival. His ‘default’ position was ( and often still is) close empathy with intimates, and hostility to ‘strangers’ or ‘outsiders’, who invariably presented a threat whenever encountered. the co-operation ( = division of labour) among intimates (invariably fewer than about 130 individuals, which neuroscientists tell us is the maximum number of personal relationships that any one individual can sustain without getting muddled), permitted each person within the group to keep track of who did what for whom, and those not pulling their weight were either told to shape up or ship out, which propensity is also still reflected in our keen human ability to sniff out cheats or free riders, and our rather keen desire to punish percieved ‘wrongdoing’.

    this insider-empathy/outsider-hostility split is still very close to the surface in the human psyche, and it emerges in terrifying reality wherever violent conflict breaks out – witness the hatred and lack of empathy, indeed, outright brutality between Israelis and Palestinians, each of whom who might well be models of empathy, rectitude, and devout religious observance among their peers. Simply because ‘outsiders’ were not seen as fully human.

    ‘Civilised’ man, by contrast is marked by a propensity to co-operate with strangers – people he has never met before, but with whom he can empathise through a mutual recognition of the other as an ‘insider’ rather than a (feared and loathed) ‘outsider’. This is achieved through the emergence of all sorts of institutions – reference frameworks, or rules of engagement, that permit any two people who are strangers to one another, to regard each other as ‘insiders’ rather than ‘outsiders’. Such institutions can still be recognised today….. the ‘brotherhood’ and mutual recognition evident among freemasons, for example, or members of a particular church congregation that crosses national borders, or any one of a multitude of other social institutions ( I myself have a habit of visiting Aikido dojos in foreign cities , and immediately make contact with a whole bunch of strangers with whom I have an institutional affinity, and can engage with them comfortably as insiders with a high degree of mutual trust right from the first handshake).

    In the light of this perspective, I regard money as the mother of all these civilising institutions, arguably the one which enabled th eemergence of civilisation in the first place. The evolution of money became necessary the moment men started to co-operate with larger numbers of people than the maximum size of the average hunter-gatherer group.

    In the last analysis, money is nothing more than a robust mechanism for keeping score in the co-operation stakes – who did what for whom among large numbers of people who do not know each other personally. That is the defining mark of civilisation – co-operation to mutual benefit between strangers.

    Published: April 24, 2009 7:24 AM

  • David Ch

    Les said:

    ‘And don’t forget the insects (bees and ants). They have highly developed communities and defined division of labor. I think the major difference is that they lack freedom of choice.’

    The ‘individuals’ within a hive are not fully functioning, breeding organisms that can pair and procreate, or even function autonomously, ( all those worker bees or ants exist solely to facilitate the passing of the ‘queen’s’ genes into the next generation). So it is perhaps more accurate to regard a community of ants (or bees) as a whole as a single organism. Its components ‘co-operate’ in the same way as our nerves, muscles and bones co-operate to move a fork full of food into our mouths. It is absurd to regard a single ant as an independent entity.

    The social nature of mammals such as humans or bonobos is very different – the group is a collection of bona fide individuals – each capable in principle of independent existence – whose interests as individuals are limited and moderated by the interests and responses of the other individuals in the group.

    Published: April 24, 2009 7:43 AM

  • fundamentalist

    Empathy as a source of rights seems like a dangerous course to take. After all, the primary claim of socialists against capitalists is that capitalists lack empathy for their fellow man. Socialists claim that their desire for equality of wealth issues from empathy for the poor. That’s why they call it social justice. Does socialist empathy trump capitalist empathy?

    Published: April 24, 2009 7:58 AM

  • fundamentalist

    I think if you look at actual history, our knowledge of which is limited to the past 7-8 thousands years at most, instead of imaginary pre-history, you’ll find that the modern concept of rights came out of European Christianity. Before that, and in non-Christian parts of the world, individual rights didn’t exist. People were the property of the ruler who was sovereign as a god.

    So the attempt to fabricate a pre-history story that gives rise to rights without religion seems futile. And I think most people will see it for what it is, interesting fiction.

    Published: April 24, 2009 8:51 AM

  • Keith

    Hmm….it seems to me that Mises’ contention about social cooperation coming first and then empathy growing out of cooperation seems more suitable.

    I say that because if it were not then wouldn’t the whole crux for totally free trade between nations kind of fall apart? It seemed to me that one of the basic assertions of free trade (which I agree with) was that since you have a situation where people are now cooperating with each other for their own mutual benefit they are now less likely to commence any sort of hostilities with each other. Since the cooperation occurs first, and then tolerance and eventually mutual respect build on it, wouldn’t that help buttress the idea of DOL–>Empathy?

    Published: April 24, 2009 9:32 AM

  • fundamentalist

    Keith: “…since you have a situation where people are now cooperating with each other for their own mutual benefit they are now less likely to commence any sort of hostilities with each other.”

    That doesn’t seem to be the case, historically. What amazes modern readers of history is that trade between nations continued during war in most of the European wars up to WWI. That’s particularly true of the many wars in which Spain, France and England attacked the Netherlands during the 17th and 18th centuries. Merchants kept trading with each other in spite of the war. That may have been because people used to consider war as a matter between kings and none of their concern.

    The rise of nationalism changed that attitude and brought about total warfare which included trade. In fact, mercantilists considered trade to be merely a different kind of warfare.

    Published: April 24, 2009 9:40 AM

  • Keith

    That is true but that does not disprove exactly what I was originally getting at.

    Let me clarify my position, when I said “…since you have a situation where people are now cooperating with each other for their own mutual benefit they are now less likely to commence any sort of hostilities with each other.” what I was getting at was that hostilities between the parties WHO WERE ACTUALLY TRADING WITH EACH OTHER decreased.

    But after reading your comment I would have to agree with you that during those earlier wars the common man probably didn’t think war was their business, but it was of the monarch. I had not considered that before.

    Published: April 24, 2009 10:07 AM

  • Stephan KinsellaAuthor Profile Page

    twv:

    Mises was quite aware of Spencer’s work, and Mises’ own emphasis on co-operation in social theory, instead of competition, follows directly from Spencer. But, alas, he goes off in a different direction with his notion that the division of labor precedes sympathy. It seems quite evident from primate studies that each of great apes has some capacity for empathy, and each exhibit varying degrees of social cooperation and a division of labor.

    Empathy expanded with the expansion of emotional capacity, which grew out of growing brain size and increasing neural complexity.

    Twv, my basic point is simply that rights are complex norms based on more basic norms that most (civilized) people happen to hold. I think the idea of “empathy” helps to explain why the do in actuality adopt and have these values. This idea about empathy is not essential to the case for rights; the case for rights relies on showing that (for whatever reason) anyone who challenges rights in a coherent way is incoherent because he is and has already adopted the grundnorms that imply libertarian ethics. (This is the point of the Hoppean type of argumentation ethics.) It simply helps flesh out the case to try to get “beneath” this (undeniably presupposed) set of grundnorms; to my mind, the notion of “empathy” helps explain it. As I said before, empathy no doubt arises due to any number of psychological, sociological, and historical and evolutionary factors, but that it exists seems clear. And I do believe Mises’s point that we can expect empathy to arise when and to the extent people are beneficial to each other; when society is helpful to all–and that this is pronounced when the division of labor is introduced–is an intriguing point, and one that seems more or less sound to me. It is, really, irrelevant to the case for rights where empathy come from (or even why people do adopt the grundnorms); but it is interesting to explore this.

    “This dialectical dance of mutually reinforcing factors is typical of evolutionary processes. It also seems, to me, to undercut any “rationalistic” formulation of rights. But that’s another story.”

    Even if there is this evolutionary dance of mutually reinforcing factors–empathy gradually growing, along with division of labor, etc.–I don’t see that this by itself undercuts the Hoppean argument ethics at all. In fact, even if only some peopel were civilized, and adopted basic norms for totally arbitrary reasons, his argument would still work. IT’s not dependent on these speculations about empathy and so on.

    Chad Rushing:

    If libertarianism’s espoused human rights are founded solely upon human emotional states (empathy) or past practices of early human communities (traditions?), how can libertarianism possibly claim any moral imperatives whatsoever?

    Chad, see my reply above to twv. I am merely elaborating and speculating on why humans might have empathetic feelings toward one another, that makes them engage in cooperation and value others’ well-being. But *given this* “civilized stance* (whatever its origin), it is the civilized stance itself that is used by establish rights. Basically, Hoppe shows that anyone argumentatively disputing rights contradicts himself since by engaging in argumentation, he has presupposed the validity of certain norms that imply libertarian rights. My talk about empathy etc. would be aimed at explaining why people *do* engage in argumentation (a civilized type of activity), etc., but whether or not it is right does not affect the basic argument itself.

    The only way that anyone has any unequivocal moral obligations to promote or support human rights (including economic rights) is for those rights to be based on an objective, absolute, moral code that applies to all humanity, past, present, and future, one of a distinctly theistic and, therefore, transcendent nature. Otherwise, it is just a matter of the libertarians and the authoritarians (and the conservatives, liberals, socialists, monarchists, tyrants, etc.) squabbling over differing opinions based on personal preferences as to how human society should work or be organized, none of them being more morally authoritative than any of the others in actuality.

    Well, the “code” — any moral code– as a fundamnetal practical matter has to be based on basic values widely held by people. We libertarians are basically in favor of peace and prosperity, harmony and productivity. It is no coincidence that this is compatible with the same norms that underlie civilized discourse in the first place.
    Skye Stewart:

    As Roderick pointed out in his Wittgenstein, Austrian Economics, and the Logic of Action, Hoppe, and Rothbard mischaracterized Smith on this point,

    “Contrary to Rothbard’s suggestion, what Smith actually says is:

    “This division of labour, from which so many advantages are derived, is not originally the effect of any human wisdom, which foresees and intends that general opulence to which it gives occasion. It is the necessary, though very slow and gradual consequence of a certain propensity in human nature which has in view no such extensive utility; the propensity to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for another. Whether this propensity be one of those original principles in human nature of which no further account can be given; or whether, *as seems more probable, it be the necessary consequence of the faculties of reason and speech,* it belongs not to our present subject to inquire.” (Wealth of Nations I. 2)

    This seems compatible with Hoppe’s point. Smith here says the division of labor is a consequence of the tendency or instinct to truck and barter. Isn’t this what Hoppe says?
    You lost me on your comments about mirror neurons. I don’t see how this provides a coherent explanation of the origin or nature of empathy.

    Brian Macker:

    What about all those empathy based rights violating philosophies? Surely property rights need to be violated in the name of empathy.

    Think of it this way. Because of the division of labor (or other reasons), most humans are social animals; they have empathy for others. This is the reason why we are more or less reluctant to engage in interpersonal violence–without some justification. Now not everyone is consistent in coming up with justifications. They often adopt a norm that is in conflict with the more basic norms that are presupposed in their civilized search for justification.

    This is why I wrote above: “(My view is that the person who is most reluctant, and has the highest standards or thresholds to be satisifed for justifying proposed or desired violence, are just libertarians. And that the most consistent among them recognize that the only good justification to be found is for force that is in response to aggression, or initiated force; and the most hyper-consistent among them are the anarchists. In short, the most “true” libertarians are those who oppose all aggression.)”

    In other words, they are not libertarian because they are not consistent enough in abiding by the civilized grundnorms they necessarily adopt by virtue of engaging in argumentative justification and peaceful interaction with others (which they only engage in, in the first place, b/c of the background motivation of empathy or something like it).

    David ch:

    “In the light of this perspective, I regard money as the mother of all these civilising institutions, arguably the one which enabled th eemergence of civilisation in the first place.”

    Yes, this is a good point. If I recall, in his lectures Hoppe points to a few factors as hallmarks of human civilization, including language, division of labor, and money (if my memory serves).

    Published: April 24, 2009 10:10 AM

  • geoih

    Quote from fundamentalist: “Before that, and in non-Christian parts of the world, individual rights didn’t exist. People were the property of the ruler who was sovereign as a god.”

    That’s an over simplification. I think if you consult the history of China and India you’ll find the Christians were hardly the only group with a concept of individual rights, And it isn’t like the Christians didn’t have their own divine rulers.

    Published: April 24, 2009 10:37 AM

  • fundamentalist

    geoih: “That’s an over simplification. I think if you consult the history of China and India you’ll find the Christians were hardly the only group with a concept of individual rights, And it isn’t like the Christians didn’t have their own divine rulers.”

    It was an over simplification, but that’s usually necessary when commenting on blogs. What I know of the history of China and India indicates that whatever individual rights people had were granted by the emperor at his pleasure and could be taken away as easily. They didn’t seem to have the concept of natural rights outside of those granted by their emperor.

    Published: April 24, 2009 10:51 AM

  • fundamentalist

    PS, You’re right about Christianity, too. After the take over of Christianity by the state thanks to Constantine, Christianity had no individual rights. They didn’t reappear until the rise of natural law, and didn’t leave the monastery until the founding of the Dutch Republic.

    Published: April 24, 2009 10:53 AM

  • Dick Fox

    Actually as a concept I see no disconnect between this idea of empathy growing from the division of labor provided we understand that each supports the other.

    To reject this because socialists criticize capitalists for a lack of empathy simply once again cedes an incorrect premise to the left.

    It is important to note that the division of labor supporting empathy and that supporting moral action seems logical in a world created by a God of Love.

    But the element that is much more difficult is, if this is the case why are there those who act against the division of labor, empathy and moral action? It is much easier to find reason and support for good moral action. The greatest challenge to reason is why does evil exist? This is one reason that most who reject God also reject evil.

    Published: April 24, 2009 11:37 AM

  • 2nd Amendment

    ” I argued that empathy is the source of rights.”

    There is no such thing as a “right”, only might !

    If you don’t have might, you don’t have right !

    Published: April 24, 2009 11:51 AM

  • Michael A. Clem

    What about all those empathy based rights violating philosophies? Surely property rights need to be violated in the name of empathy. Clearly you have way too much stuff precisely because there are people starving in Africa. Where is your empathy for all those starving Africans?

    Such philosophies are incoherent, because they attack the very system that allowed for the production of “too much stuff” in the first place. Destroy that system, and there would quickly be not enough stuff for everybody, and nothing to redistribute, to starving Africans or anyone else.

    In short, wealth-destroying philosophies are “sympathetic” in intentions, but not in practical results.

    Published: April 24, 2009 11:52 AM

  • 2nd Amendment

    A “right” is a mighty wrong !

    A “wrong” is a right too weak to defend itself.

    Published: April 24, 2009 11:53 AM

  • 2nd Amendment

    Empathy for others is the best way of letting others take advantage of you. Empathy is for fools.

    In life, only the strong survives !

    I pitty the fool who has empathy for government officials and police officers for those crooks have empathy nor mercy for no one.

    Published: April 24, 2009 11:55 AM

  • Michael A. Clem

    2A, a right is a concept of what people ought to be free to do. As such, rights clearly exist, just as many other concepts exist. As to how to defend and protect rights, that is another question, a fair question, but still a different issue.

    I also take exception to the Social Darwinism that you seem to be supporting. The powerful still only exist on the production of the creative, and thus anything that diminishes or destroys productivity is to be considered bad or evil. Thus, “might makes right” is itself an incoherent or contradictory philosophy, just as socialist redistributive philosophies are.

    Published: April 24, 2009 12:04 PM

  • (8?»

    I do not have now, nor have I ever had any rights, as it is an incoherent concept (noted by Michael A. Clem) utilized in order to control the behavior of others. What is truly being discussed are privileges, which may be granted/denied by individuals or collectives of individuals who will exercise some sort of social tool to enforce the group norm. All of which are based upon the premise of whether the individual deserves to be allowed to do exercise their right (so-called justice). This gets us back to David Ch and his comment on insiders vs. outsiders, and seeing others as less than human.

    If all I have to do to invalidate a right is to invalidate the worthiness of the humanity of another, then it isn’t a right. It is to pass judgment about allowable privilege.

    That said, I do like the discussion of empathy concerning the growth of civilization through voluntary cooperation. It is very relevant. Rights, on the other hand, seem to be nothing but another divide and conquer trap, designed to drive those who favor such concepts as being “a good thing,” into incoherent dead-end “intellectual” battles.

    In other words, how can you be for voluntary cooperation when you are busy using coercion in fighting others for “your” rights. Or worse yet, fighting for mine?

    Let it go, folks. Voluntary cooperation and empathy themselves are sufficient to understand and explain civilization. There is simply no need to invent artificial constructs such as rights. All they do is confuse the moral issue (that ole “ought to be” part).

    I challenge anyone to name a single right they have that cannot be denied by someone else. There simply aren’t any. Even the right to life is revocable.

    Published: April 24, 2009 1:58 PM

  • (8?»

    Ooops, need to clarify since I didn’t notice Michael had used the word incoherent in his 2nd paragraph, which wasn’t what I was referencing.

    My reference to his post was concerning his “a right is a concept of what people ought to be free to do.”

    My claim is that the word “ought” invalidates the idea of a right (making it into a privilege), as it gives wiggle room to the idea of rights being inalienable.

    For rights to actually exist, the word ought has to be changed to are without exception. That one change, makes the incoherence of the idea of rights, blatantly obvious.

    Published: April 24, 2009 2:13 PM

  • twv

    There are a lot of mixed-up notions flying about in the comments thread. I’ll have to respond to Stephan’s comments on my comments at a later time (I am under a deadline), but I do wish to say something about the inevitable Christianity theme flown up the flagpole: The New Testament contains no notion of rights not also found, better and more robust, throughout the world. The idea of individual rights developed in civilization, as a legal tool to rationalize obligations. The rights ideas that grew up in Christendom owed as much or more to Roman Law and other ancient traditions as it did to Christianity.

    I regard rights as an extremely useful tool that precipitated out during the course of social evolution. It is always a normative concept. We can try basing it on various notions of being (of “is” not “ought”) but these efforts will always have some problems with them.

    More later.

    Published: April 24, 2009 2:31 PM

  • Freiheit

    Henry Hazlitt offered the best foundation for rights in his book Foundations of Morality.

    Moral laws are merely “oughts” (recommendations for action) that apply to human action itself, and thus apply to all acting humans at all times and places. Oughts connect desired ends with the means most appropriate to achieve those ends.

    Thus, in order for there to be a moral law that applies to all acting humans, there must be an end that all humans desire. That end, as shown by Mises and Hazlitt, is the long-run maximization of personal satisfaction. Behind each and every action is an attempt to substitute a more satisfactory state of affairs for a less. Thus, the ultimate end that all acting humans strive for at all times, whether knowingly or unknowingly, is maximization of personal satisfaction in the long-run.

    How do we derive moral laws? Not by trying to guess the consequences of each individual action in isolation. Any particular action will have an infinite chain of unforseeable effects and consequences, and, hence, we can never know the ultimate effects of a single action on our long-run satisfaction. We can, however, deduce via the logic of human action GENERAL RULES for action based on the general consequences of general types of action.

    This is where more Rothbardian ethical extrapolations tie in with Hazlitt’s ethical foundation. Given the fact that a human’s ultimate desired end is to maximize their personal satisfaction in the long-run, what is the most appropriate ethic (means) to employ in regard to the self? Before we can determine how humans ought to behave in relation to other things, it must be determined the moral status of selves.

    As Rothbard said, there are only three possibilities for a general rule (ethic) regarding the self. A). Self-ownership B). Ownership of self by another person or group, or C). Universal co-ownership of all selves. Option B fails straightaway as it is not a general rule applicable to all humans. Option C fails because the consent of all co-owners would be required for a person to use his or her self in any way, yet even the act of seeking consent would need consent of all co-owners, hence morally paralyzing all action. Option C is not a functional ethic in a world of scarcity. Only Option A is the appropriate ethic (means) to employ in order for humans to achieve the ultimate desired end.

    And, of course, on the foundation of self-ownership, the rest of property rights may be deduced in the same way.

    Published: April 24, 2009 2:49 PM

  • fundamentalist

    twv: “The rights ideas that grew up in Christendom owed as much or more to Roman Law and other ancient traditions as it did to Christianity.”

    Then why don’t we see them appear in the Roman Empire? They don’t make their appearance until natural law theory developed in Christian Europe.

    Published: April 24, 2009 3:42 PM

  • Skye Stewart

    Stephan,

    You originally stated,

    “According to Hoppe, Mises points out that psychologists and sociologists often explain the origin of the division of labor in some kind of instinct to “truck and barter,” as did Adam Smith.”

    my main point was to show that smith didn’t just refer to the “instinct” or tendency to barter, but rather,

    “. . as seems more probable, it be the necessary consequence of the faculties of reason and speech”

    he specifically stated it was the purposeful aim. minor point, but worth pointing out.

    not that smith deserves it, but for posterity.

    The bit on mirror neurons was only additional material i thought of interest, in regards to the evolutionary and neuropsychological aspect of empathy

    Published: April 24, 2009 7:36 PM

  • Mark

    We adopt the social norms that best enable us to pass on our genes.

    Published: April 24, 2009 9:05 PM

  • Peter

    There is no such thing as a “right”, only might !

    So if someone breaks into your home, rapes your wife, and murders your children…you won’t complain since obviously he had the “might” to do it, and therefore he had the “right” to do it…and you lacked the “might” (and thus the “right”) to do anything about it. Glad I’m not related to you.

    Published: April 25, 2009 1:42 AM

  • Dick Fox

    I repeat my challenge to all those who have found ways to define rights, or obgligations, or oughts, or whatever, if these things are rational then why is there evil?

    2ndA seems to be closer and more honest in his assessment, because those who cannot find a rational explanation of evil in their philosophy are ignoring half of the equation. 2ndA is correct if reason is the only basis of “right” and that is a horrible world.

    A right versus a wrong can only come from a creation where there is a higher morality. It is this higher morality that we all strive to find and define, but without a priori assumptions this is impossible.

    Mises is by far the greatest economist, and his discussion of a priori in connection with economics is important. It is just too bad that he did not see that there is the same a priori connection to life.

    Rights are a priori conditions of the utopian concept we all have and strive toward whether we admit it or not but these a priori conditions must have a source beyond our ability to understand or reason. They are the essence of creation.

    Published: April 25, 2009 7:45 AM

  • Gil

    “So if someone breaks into your home, rapes your wife, and murders your children . . .” – Peter

    No, the point is having the might so no one can just break into your home and so on. It’s pointless talking of what ‘freedoms’ you think you have if people keep trampling on them. Hence it’s pointless of talking about what governments should and shouldn’t be doing or whether they have a right to exist. Governments do exist and they are very strong whilst Libertarians are very weak hence Libertarians like to theorise and that’s about it. Libertarians should be theorising on practical methods to become so strong that governments can’t affect them. Where they can secede and repel anything the governments try throw at them. Otherwise they’ll be just like Milhouse and have their lunch money stolen and be hanging upside-downand have their heads flushed in a toilet bowl.

    Published: April 25, 2009 8:14 AM

  • Anthony Flood

    This hypothesis is worth pursuing so long as it is regarded only as an effort to make praxeology bear the enormous weight of an anthropology and psychology as well as economics. (I think somewhere Hoppe wrote [I paraphrase] that something like metaphysical dualism [mutually exclusive realms of efficient causality and final causality co-exist in this universe] must be true because the concept of human action implies it. There are other ways to go about working out a metaphysics.) I hope the final Hoppean product will be free of any taint of Hobbesian and Darwinian presuppositions. I have so far seen no reason to exclude the possibility that our recognition of our mutual dependence is given to us (by Nature or Nature’s God) simultaneously with our mutual empathy/sympathy (which we can feel also for non-human sentient creatures, to whom we are after all also genetically related). I find nothing theoretically attractive about taking the Hobbesian-Darwinian starting point as the “hard” default position to which “soft” attributes like empathy/sympathy might be added or not. And now someone can show me how spectacularly I have missed the point.

    Published: April 25, 2009 9:29 AM

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Revisiting Argumentation Ethics

From the Mises Blog, March 13, 2009

(Archived comments below)

Revisiting Argumentation Ethics

argumentation ethics
March 13, 2009

Since 1988 I’ve been fascinated with Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s “argumentation ethics” defense of libertarian rights. This was around the time I was exposed to the legal concept “estoppel” in a contracts law class, which I ended up using in my own arguments for libertarian rights. I gave an overview of Hoppe’s and related rights theories in my 1996 JLS article “New Rationalist Directions in Libertarian Rights Theory” and in the “Discourse Ethics” Wikipedia article, which I started.

When Hoppe’s theory was sprung on the libertarian world in the late 1980s, a number of thinkers weighed in, including Rothbard, David Conway, David Friedman, Tibor Machan, Loren Lomasky, Leland Yeager, Douglas Rasmussen, and others (linked here). Rothbard, in particular, saw the magnitude of Hoppe’s achievement (as I noted in “The Other Fields of Praxeology: War, Games, Voting…and Ethics?“; see also the related comments in my post “Hoppe and Intellectual Property: On Standing on the Shoulders of Giants“). He wrote:

In a dazzling breakthrough for political philosophy in general and for libertarianism in particular, he has managed to transcend the famous is/ought, fact/value dichotomy that has plagued philosophy since the days of the scholastics, and that had brought modern libertarianism into a tiresome deadlock. Not only that: Hans Hoppe has managed to establish the case for anarcho-capitalist-Lockean rights in an unprecedentedly hard-core manner, one that makes my own natural law/natural rights position seem almost wimpy in comparison. (Rothbard, “Beyond Is and Ought“; see also Rothbard, “Hoppephobia“)

Tantalizingly, Rothbard concludes his piece:

A future research program for Hoppe and other libertarian philosophers would be (a) to see how far axiomatics can be extended into other spheres of ethics, or (b) to see if and how this axiomatic could be integrated into the standard natural law approach. These questions provide fascinating philosophical opportunities. Hoppe has lifted the American movement out of decades of sterile debate and deadlock, and provided us a route for future development of the libertarian discipline.

(Hoppe’s responses to some of his earlier critics, collected and reprinted in the appendix to his 1993 book The Economics and Ethics of Private Property are powerful and decisive.)

Since then there have been other commentaries on Hoppe’s argument, including Roderick Long’s “The Hoppriori Argument” (stating that, though he has some misgivings and is not yet convinced, “I think a Hoppe-style argument might well work”) and Murphy and Callahan’s “Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s Argumentation Ethic: A Critique” (Anti-state.com, Sept. 19, 2002). I tried to explain—no doubt inadequately—some problems I had with Murphy and Callahan’s critique in my article “Defending Argumentation Ethics: Reply to Murphy and Callahan” (Anti-state.com, Sept. 19, 2002); there was an ensuing discussion in the Anti-state.com forum, but if memory serves, M&C never did respond directly to most of my points. Nor did they in their 2006 JLS article, based on their 2002 Anti-state piece (it did not so much as cite my previous criticism of their earlier piece). The Murphy-Callahan critique of Hoppe was also itself criticized in a draft paper by Frank van Dun.

This week Libertarian Papers published two interesting pieces on argumentation ethics: Frank van Dun’s powerful, sublime, and deeply learned “Argumentation Ethics and the Philosophy of Freedom” (based on his earlier working paper mentioned above) and Marian Eabrasu’s thorough and scholarly “A Reply to the Current Critiques Formulated against Hoppe’s Argumentation Ethics.”

It’s a veritable feast for libertarian argumentation ethicists and Hoppeites!

***

Some may also find of interest my post “Extreme Praxeology.” My post “Quotes on the Logic of Liberty” contains a number of gorgeous quotes from famous and libertarian thinkers compatible with many of Hoppe’s themes and arguments, as does my “New Rationalist Directions in Libertarian Rights Theory” and the Wikipedia article on discourse ethics.

Update: And here’s one I am not quite sure how to even reply to.

July 18, 2025

I am a young libertarian for the first time engaging with libertarian legal theory and ethics. I have, if you are willing to very kindly dedicate the time, a question about artumentation ethics. I have one objection that follows along the lines of the Murphy-Callahan objections [Defending Argumentation Ethics: Reply to Murphy & Callahan] that I am very eager to hear a logical response to. I understand you are a very busy individual and do not expect a prompt reply, but I thought I’d give it a go.

Violence as a premise
The objection is as follows:
Given that an individual’s justification for some proposition is some neural activity that is subjectively interpreted by that individual to be an argument, it is entirely possible that some conclusion can be deduced from a premise that is a physical action, that is, that some neural activities that constitute justifications can in themselves be premises. Considering this, argumentation ethics is not normalizable/universalizable across disputes as some justifications for truth claims may, in theory, require violence/NAP violation (as this action may violate the NAP)

Archived comments:

{ 49 comments… read them below or add one }

Gene Callahan March 14, 2009 at 1:36 am

“but if memory serves, M&C never did respond directly to most of my points.”

Well, that’s because those ‘points’ entirely failed to come to terms with our case.

REPLY

Gene Callahan March 14, 2009 at 1:49 am

Just to give a brief example, Aristotle’s politics certainly were ‘universalizable’, contrary to your complaint — they apply to all rational beings, which, for him, meant Greeks! Similalrly, Plato’s politics in *The Republic* are ‘universalizable’ — only the philosopher-kings are fully rational, so they must rule. Disputing those designations of ‘rational beings’ gets you nowhere — Hoppe contends that the mere fact of arguing implies anarcho-capitalism, so dragging in some other argument about why such definitions of who has rights are wrong is, in itself, an admission that Hoppe’s case fails, since it needs to be supplemented with further arguments to justify anarcho-capitalism.

REPLY

CN March 14, 2009 at 6:41 am

Actually what Hoppe does is to imply natural rights, what social order comes of it could be many as long as people participate in it voluntary (like “democracy” – as long there is a reasonable secession right and accepted procedure of reclaimg it we could say that “democracy” is a voluntary social order in full use of the natural rights of obeying majoraty rules).

REPLY

Brian Macker March 14, 2009 at 11:18 am

Argumentation ethics is the idea that denying libertarian values in fact rests on the denial of rational discourse in and of itself. Which would be a useful argument if the vast majority of people cared about rationality, and rational discourse. The prevalence of religions show that they don’t.

Islam for instance doesn’t care about self ownership. Everyone is owned by Allah, and if you are not following Allah’s rules then you are wrong. No argument about it, they just kill you.

Sure they pretend at argumentation but the purpose isn’t about persuading for the sake of getting cooperation between equals. The purpose is to inform the non-believer of the rules, with the believer as the authority figure backed by Allah. There is no equality between Allah’s word and mere personal beliefs.

Allah brought you into this world and his believers have the right to take you out.

REPLY

Kevin March 14, 2009 at 11:39 am

I’m hoisting a discussion from the libertarian papers comment section. I’ll push the argument against Hoppe again here. I’ll start by laying out a formalization of the conclusion:

Argument presupposes that we have legitimate control of kind X over our Y at time Z.

Counterargument: The argument fails to determinately fix the content of X, Y, or Z.

Take time Z. Perhaps while we’re arguing we have to presume legitimate control at the time, but why longer? Why not minimally slim time slices indexed to utterances? Take Y – what do we have control over? Our bodies? Our property? Our mouths? Our vocal tracts? And take X – what kind of legitimate control are we talking about? Do we have a claim-right on others that any person outside of the argument must respect? Only those inside of the argument? Do we have fully extensive property rights over ourselves as the result of the argument? Or only those rights required to make the argument? And if the latter, the set of rights required is pretty slim – none, in fact – because we could make the argument legitimately without having a right over ourselves or without any normative relations obtaining between us and our interlocutor.

There are more ambiguous dimensions, but these three will do for now.

Basically, I’m putting Gene’s point more formally. The argument is subject to wide range of indeterminacy and so does not establish its conclusion.

Note that it won’t do to argue that the universality assumption rules out particularistic maxims – because there’s no non-arbitrary way to select only one universalizable maxim out of the argument’s ambiguous conclusion.

REPLY

klein munch March 14, 2009 at 4:19 pm

Raivo Pommer
[email protected]

Viefiel bezahlt EURO im Jahre 2010

Für 2008 hat Klein laut Geschäftsbericht an Vergütung insgesamt 3,3 Millionen Euro erhalten, davon waren 2,4 Millionen Euro Sonderbonus. Diese Sonderzahlung erfolgte im Zuge des Einstiegs der Deutschen Bank und wurde gezahlt, obwohl die Postbank erstmals seit vielen Jahren einen Verlust machte. Das Minus für 2008 lag unterm Strich bei 821 Millionen Euro.

Insgesamt erhielt der gesamte Postbank-Vorstand einen Sonderbonus von 11,5 Millionen Euro wegen des Einstiegs der Deutschen Bank. Appel rechtfertigte die Zahlungen als notwendige Halteprämie, da sonst Gefahr bestanden hätte, dass Vorstände angesichts der Gespräche der Mutter Post für einen Verkauf das Geldinstitut verlassen hätten können. Ein normaler Jahresbonus wurde nicht gezahlt.

Das Gehaltsgefüge der Postbank sei «sehr moderat», sagte Klein dem «Spiegel». Die Bank sei «kein Täter, sondern eher ein Opfer der Finanzkrise». Er verteidigte auch den Sonderbonus. Es sei um einen «ungewöhnlichsten Unternehmensverkaufsprozesse der jüngeren Geschichte gegangen». Unter den Managern der Postbank habe «große Verunsicherung» geherrscht.

REPLY

Econ Guy March 14, 2009 at 5:16 pm

Kevin,

“Perhaps while we’re arguing we have to presume legitimate control at the time, but why longer?

Suppose the proof was 2+2=4. Let me apply your criticism to this proof.

Argument that 2+2=4 at time Z.

Counterargument: The argument fails to determinately fix the fact that 2+2=4.

Perhaps while we are arguing we have to presume that 2+2=4 at that time, but why any longer?

REPLY

Kevin March 14, 2009 at 7:04 pm

The math analogy fails. We don’t think mathematical laws are true because we presuppose it in argument. That’s a fine indicator of its truth, to be sure, but that’s not the truth-maker. The reason we think it is universally true is because it cannot be conceived to be false. But the self-ownership thesis is not like that. Lots of reasonable people deny it and while I affirm a version of it, it is certainly not a truth that cannot be *conceived* to be false. Hoppe must argue that *because* there’s a performative contradiction in denying the thesis of self-ownership that *therefore* it is universally valid. But I don’t see any reason to accept the implication.

REPLY

Peter March 14, 2009 at 7:28 pm

Islam for instance doesn’t care about self ownership. Everyone is owned by Allah, and if you are not following Allah’s rules then you are wrong. No argument about it, they just kill you.

Have you ever actually met a muslim? I lived in an Islamic country for a while. I wasn’t “owned by Allah” or “follow Allah’s rules”, and I wasn’t killed even one time!

REPLY

Peter March 14, 2009 at 7:37 pm

We don’t think mathematical laws are true because we presuppose it in argument.

Yes we do.

The reason we think it is universally true is because it cannot be conceived to be false.

Sure it can…and we have different mathematics depending on which “truths” we decide to accept. E.g., Euclidean vs. non-Euclidean geometry; or whether or not you accept the axiom of choice, or the continuum hypothesis, etc. If you want to know which mathematical axiomatic system corresponds to reality (assuming reality corresponds to mathematics at all – an assumption we have to make, but know of no reason for), you have to do experiments to find out.

REPLY

Lee Kelly March 14, 2009 at 7:45 pm

If Hoppe is arguing validly, then he is arguing circularly and has justified nothing. It’s that simple. Anyone who doesn’t get why no logical argument can justify its conclusion does not understand how logic works.

REPLY

Econ Guy March 14, 2009 at 8:14 pm

Kevin,

“We don’t think mathematical laws are true because we presuppose it in argument … The reason we think it is universally true is because it cannot be conceived to be false. But the self-ownership thesis is not like that. Lots of reasonable people deny it.”

This is an unsatisfactory answer because you misunderstand the is/ought dichotomy. In your view of the dichotomy, if every person operated with the belief that 2+2=5 then such a statement would be an “is” statement. If every person operated with the belief that 2+2=5, then you could say “But the 2+2=4 thesis is not like that. Lots of reasonable people deny it.”

“Is” statements have nothing to do with the operation of human beings or whether “reasonable” people deny it. Whether human beings operate as if 2+2=5 does not affect the facts of reality (that 2+2=4). Likewise, human operations do not falsify the fact that we all own our bodies.

Your misunderstanding of the dichotomy is probably why you are unimpressed with Rothbard’s statement: “[Hoppe] has managed to transcend the famous is/ought, fact/value dichotomy.”

P.S.

The title “self-ownership thesis” is equally absurd as the title “2+2=4 thesis”.

REPLY

DNA March 14, 2009 at 8:34 pm

An alternative response to MC is that, at worst, Hoppe assumes (as do most libertarians, eg MC) that the class of rational beings encompasses all of humanity. Within this class, only a private property ethic is justifiable. It may remain an empirical question just what subsets of humanity are rational, but that’s a different question and any claimant of an ethical system presupposes it’s applicability to some subset of humanity.

REPLY

Stephan Kinsella March 14, 2009 at 9:36 am

Gene, re your point that my article was not cited by you because it “entirely failed to come to terms with our case”–no doubt, no doubt. Perhaps van Dun’s and Eabrasu’s pieces are more worthy of a response.

Re your universalizability comments: as a friend wrote me: “Um, is he serious? This is a weak argument. At best it shows that Aristotle failed to correctly identify certain things as rational agents. Getting the definitions right, and correctly applying concepts is always an issue. Illuminating. The question he could’ve posed is “why universalise?””

In my article, and in our previous exchange on the anti-state discussion forum, I tried to articulate some of my concerns with your treatment of this issue. In the article, I had written:

I am really at a loss as to where MC would part company with this theory. Do they deny, for example, that there is scarcity in the world, or that conflicts are possible? I doubt it. Do they deny that universalizability is not a requirement for justified norms? I doubt it, unless they are also ethical skeptics, in which case I wonder why they consider themselves libertarians.


What about universalizability? I am not sure if MC really reject the universalizability requirement–but if they do, I fail to see how they can themselves adhere to any notion of rights; rejecting universalizability means that any norm whatsoever can be proposed, by simply making up a particularistic reason for it. Without the universalizability principle, literally “anything goes,” which of course leads to ethical relativism and/or skepticism. I will assume that MC are not ethical relativists or skeptics and thus do not reject universalizability. But I am not sure they fully appreciate this principle.

Consider this comment by MC: “To simply declare that ownership rights must be ‘universalizable’ is no help, either; after all, communists could cite the same principle to ‘prove’ that everyone should have equal shares to all property.” MC write here as if they are totally unaware that Hoppe has explicitly stated that “the universalization principle only provides a purely formal criterion for morality” (TSC, p. 131). Of course, even if socialism’s principles were reformulated in a completetly universalizable way, it will still be inconsistent with other norms presupposed in argumentation, as noted above.

And regarding universalizability, MC also state:

“Finally, we wish to note that, even if the above problems are overlooked, it’s still the case that Hoppe has only proven self-ownership for the individuals in the debate. This is because, even on Hoppe’s own grounds, someone denying the libertarian ethic would only be engaging in contradiction if he tried to justify his preferred doctrine to its ‘victims.’

“For example, so long as Aristotle only argued with other Greeks about the inferiority of barbarians and their natural status as slaves, then he would not be engaging in a performative contradiction. He could quite consistently grant self-ownership to his Greek debating opponent, while denying it to those whom he deems naturally inferior. [] Aristotle need only contend [that] barbarians [] are not as rational as Greeks.”

Do MC think that merely “deeming” or “contending” something to be so is automatically compatible with universalizability? I believe they are simply misapplying the universalizability principle here (or, rather, failing to apply it). For Aristotle to grant rights to himself and Greeks, but not to other individuals, would simply be particularistic. He would have to show that there is some reason, objectively grounded in the nature of things, that justifies rights in Greeks but not in other people identical to Greeks in all respects except for their Greekness. Again, either the universalizability requirement is taken seriously, or it is not. If not, the door to ethical skepticism is opened wide.

In the forum, here and here

I am astonished at the cavalier attitude expressed to the universalization principle, by many of the commentators herein. As I said, either you take it seriously or you don’t.

then noted:

the most recent comments by others, about universalizability, further confirms my view that most of these critics here have an appallingly dismissive view of the crucial concept of universalizability. It may not be obvious at first glance, but someone so cavalier with the universalizability requirement is really the same as a die-hard irrational or aggressive person, or radical moral skeptic: it is hard to have rational communication with them. It is like speaking with someone who refuses to recognize the law of contradiction or the fact that they exist. One has little choice but to walk away from adamant or stubborn skepticism.

… argumentation, even by your standards, must put SOME limits on what can be proposed. And another point is that IF you are libertarians, you agree with me and Hoppe that libertarian rights are “good” or just (for some reason–I have no idea what your or Gene’s justification for rights are, or if you even have one), THEN you would think that has SOME implications for permissible norms, or at least ranges thereof, that can coherently be proposed during argumentation.

Now while only some non-libertarian norms would make human life impossible, all non-libertarian norms do not satisfy other presuppositions of argumentation, such as universalizability and conflict-avoidance.

So let me be clear: if you propose any non-libertarian norm, that norm must be non-universalizable and/or fail to set forth a property allocation system that makes conflict avoidance possible (a rule that is particularizable or arbitrary just won’t do that).

And the further point is this: what makes it clear is that the first-user rule is the ONLY acceptable method of conflict-resolution is to examine the alternatives. The only alternatives, fundamentally, are either nonsense, or don’t solve conflict, or make human life impossible. For example, one could propose that EVERYONE has to have a vote to decide how to use a piece of property; i.e., universal communism. Such a rule, IF followed, would indeed mean death for all. Yes, such a rule would render life impossible. Because, as Hoppe explicitly argues, we would be forever seeking permission and forever unable to act. The point is to conceptually identify the basically different types of possible norms, the alternatives to first-use. “Communism,” literally meant and actually followed, means death for all, because it makes use of scarce resoures impossible. (Gene, as an Austrian, pay heed to the similarity to Mises’ view that socialism is “impossible”; and the fact that all REAL socialisms of course were only mixed economies, otherwise the market would have ground to a total halt; the fact that the commie government allows a black market to operate to some degree to keep from total starvation and disaster is hardly a justification for the communistic part of the policy which, if followed rigorously, would lead to death for all, hardly shows that the death-tending commie principles are thus “okay”)

Other systems, or hybrids or diluted versions, rely on verbal decree. But a system of verbal decree would either (depending how you formulate it) make life impossible (again, you could never get permission b/c new, different verbal commands would be arriving all the time) OR would not solve conflict b/c simultaneous, incompatible verbal decrees are possible.

IF (big IF) you can somehow show SOME objective link, that is universalizable and addresses conflict-avoidance, and is superior to first-use–let me know. Hoppe has tried to show how this rule is natural, is consistent with all the norms presupposed in argumentation, and indeed implied by many of these norms. And he has shown how all the alternatives are fundamentally inconsistent with these norms–they are non-universalizable, or fail to avoid conflict.

But, you won’t try to do this–because that would granting that the test for justifiable norms IS the necessity of being a universalizable, conflict-avoiding norm, and of course that would immediately lead to justification of the first-use libertarian principles. And for some reason, that seems to be intolerable, even to many libertarians.

Callahan replied: “My cynical view: “the nature of things” means whatever you want it to in order to get to the conclusion you want anyway.”

My response:

Right. As as I suspected, you do not seem to accept the validity of the universalizability principle. Which, as I indicated, leads to skepticism, which of course goes hand in hand with cynicism. Of course someone skeptical of the validity of any objective normative knowledge would get a burr in his *ss about Hoppe’s audacity at claiming to have an objective proof of rights. Not that I’m accusing YOU of this Gene; whether the shoe fits or not is merely a contingent question.

Gene, I’d ask you to confirm or deny that you reject the universalizability principle–but I won’t hold out hope that you will do this. But if you would confirm it, I’d say–you are subject to this criticism (about the nature of things) yourself. And if you deny it, I’d ask you–do you really realize the implications of such a denial?

Now Murphy seems to have a more defensible, less skeptical, less cynical view: “All I (and I think Gene) have argued is that “universalizability” doesn’t really help much in deciding between concrete systems.”

Okay–but surely it would not allow you to simply assert that non-Greeks are not rational, to suffice to get a Greek-favoring ethical rule to pass the universalization test? Obviously Callahan thinks it does–that the universalization test means nothing (this is what I think can lead to skepticism). Murphy simply thinks it does not help much, presumably since you can re-work your ethics so that they are universalizable. But this is basically what I argued in defending Hoppe:

Thus universalizability acts as a first-level “filter” that weeds out all particularistic norms. This reduces the universe of possibly justified normative claims but does not finish the job since many incompatible and unethical norms could be reworded in universalizable ways.

It is for this reason that Hoppe next examines other, more substantive, presuppositions inherent in argument itself.

Or, as I wrote in the forum:

The point is, IF you are trying to justify something, without marching ahead and doing it without trying to inquire into its legitimacy, you have already entered the stage of trying to find non-arbitrary reasons. If the reasons are simply arbitrary, that’s no better than not seeking to justify it at all …

… We are talking specifically about force- and conflict-related norms. Hoppe never says it’s always easy or that we are infallible. So what? The point is simply to recognize that in justifying, universalizable reasons must be given. Particularizable ones, are really just arbitrary and not really reasons at all; they are examples of when the attempt to justify has stopped. What is and what is not universalizable or particularizable is of course not always immediately clear or obvious. So? The point is to first admit the principle, in general, as a limit on permissible nor-propositioning. And then, it’s easy to see that some norms are NOT universalizable. Some are clearly not, and these cannot be justified.

NEXT, if you want to re-work them into universalizable ones, then the question is, are these norms addressed at what the justification seeks? Justification for force-wielding action inherently presupposes that force needs a justification. Can you not see that the kernel of this impulse is the idea that force, prima facie, is illegitimate? This is just why justification (of conflict related actions) always has to imply libertarianism. Justification is inherently peaceful, cooperative, an attempt to solve what is presumed to be a problem, namely conflict. If conflict is viewed as “bad” then of course, a norm that adopts conflict as good or promotes it cannot be justified, since justifying is a search for solution to conflict.

In another comment, I wrote:

Non aggression implies seeking for a conflict- free solution which implies assigning property rights in an objective, universalizable way. This implies that particularistic, arbitrary rules won’t work, they don’t serve as objective links. “you can say” the “oldest guy gets it” as a rule, but others could propose a million other verbal arbitrary rules that would be inconsistent, so conflict is not avoided.

Let me be clear: if you are saying you don’t think first-use is an objective link between owner and resrouce, or you don’t think it’s the only or best objective link–then let’s discuss that. Do you grant there must be an objective link? Becuase if you grant that, I think Hoppe’s won. Then it’s only sweeping up. Do you grant this? Is your only reservation that it is not the only objective link; or do you dispute the necessity of an objective link at all?

“just because you believe ‘property rights’ should be respected, doesn’t necessarily make you a Rothbardian (which is sometimes taken to mean ‘libertarian’ I think).”

No, but if you do, you have accepted the validity of norms concerning scarce resources, in particular libertarian norms. Thus it seems a bit rich to feign incredulity when another libertarian actually takes seriously the notion that there is something special and unique about the status of our rules, as opposed to others. Here you are, as a libertarian, believing (for some reason), that libertarian rights are objectively superior to other. And when this distinction is relied upon in an argument you try to argue there is no objective distinction. I don’t get you people.

Similarly, as I wrote to Murphy, who asked:

“What about a second-user rule? So far as I see it, Hoppe and Kinsella just eliminate that one by saying it’s aggression and patently stupid. But it’s not aggression if it’s the definition of just owner, and I don’t think ‘stupid’ is a criterion now for ruling out norms.”

My reply:

No, it’s not stupid–it’s just incorrect. Asserting a second-user rule is adopting the principle that any arbitrary rule can be asserted and adopted. (Can you really argue with a straight face that the first-user rule is arbitrary? Here is where Rothbard is right that original appropriation is the “natural” position–it does not mean necessarily that there is natural law or anything, but it does mean that first use is not just arbitrary, but it is a clear, objective link between owner and property.) If you adopt this rule, then what’s to prevent someone else from asserting the third-user rule? In fact, the “third user” IS a “second user” with respect to the (first?) “second user”. In other words, this second-user rule does not fulfill the conflict-avoidance function since it endorses any arbitrary rule (like, third, fourth etc. user).

Bob: think about this. If you ARE a libertarian, for whatever reason, you must also favor the “superiority” of the first-user rule over competing rules. Ask yourself WHY. There must be SOME reason. Whatever this reason is, doesn’t your own view that he first-use rule is “better” than others, actually support the contentions I’m making? All I’m saying is that the first-user has a better claim to property than late-comers. You actually agree with this (necessarily, as a libertarian). So what’s the problem?

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Mark Humphrey March 14, 2009 at 9:37 pm

Steven, thanks for bringing up this interesting subject, which has annoyed and fascinated me in the past. My understanding about this is patchy and incomplete. Thanks also for mentioning in your Mises article that Tibor Machan had offered comments about this issue. I Yahooed and read his article on the subject. Here’s the link:
https://stephankinsella.com/texts/machan_dialogue.pdf

I’ll read your article soon. I ought to read it before saying anything more. But a few points occur to me.

I do not think the approach from argumentation provides a logical short cut to establishing moral standards, including individual rights. There are two basic reasons for my concluding this.

First, I assume Hoppe’s argument is essentially like Rothbard’s in Man Economy and State. That is, Rothbard argued that either people own themselves, or everyone owns everyone else, but not himself. Since the second proposition is clearly absurd, we are left with the first as true. But this is a circular argument that presupposes that which it sets out to prove: the existence of moral standards. For “ownership” is an ethical principle. Until one proves that ownership is a valid principle that reflects real conditions of human living, Rothbard’s argument is a floating abstraction.

Second, to demonstrate that ownership is a valid principle, one must establish exactly what it is. That is, what is its purpose? Social utility? To resolve disputes? Why should one necessarily value dispute resolution, or value resolution based on assertions about self ownership? Why should one not settle for moral agnosticism?

And further, what is the source of self ownership? God? Social utility (the need to get along..)? Human nature?

I don’t think one can adequately explain the source and nature of “self ownership” without making clear what it means to be human; by identifying volition and the ability to think rationally as distinctive human traits; by defining moral principles as principles of proper human choice; by making clear that moral choice implies an ultimate standard of choice, namely one’s properly realized potential for life; and by bringing these insights together coherently in moral philosophy.

Probably, my comment is a little annoying, because I haven’t read your paper. I’ll try to do so this weekend.

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Brian Macker March 14, 2009 at 10:47 pm

“Have you ever actually met a Muslim?”

Yes, I’ve supervised and reported to Muslims. I’ve directly asked one who came from Pakistan, “Given my beliefs, what would happen to me if I migrated to your country and expressed them?” He said, “They’d kill you”. I further asked him, “Do you think that is right that you can move here and I can’t move there.” His reply, “Yes”.

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Brian Macker March 14, 2009 at 10:54 pm

Peter,

Did you ever have open arguments in these Muslim countries about the fact that the Qur’an isn’t the infallible word of Allah? Did you try to explain your right to persuade Muslims of your own religious beliefs, since they feel they have a right to come to ours and spread theirs?

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Dmitry Chernikov March 15, 2009 at 12:20 am

So, when Big Boy Caprice tells D.A. Fletcher: “I don’t care if Tracy puts one and one together, don’t matter to me. You’re still workin’ for me. You’re on my side. You’re not out! You’re not out! When you are dead, then you are out! You are mine, I own you!,” is he contradicting himself?

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Peter March 15, 2009 at 5:31 am

I’ve directly asked one who came from Pakistan, “Given my beliefs, what would happen to me if I migrated to your country and expressed them?” He said, “They’d kill you”.

I guess he was joking.

Did you try to explain your right to persuade Muslims of your own religious beliefs

I have no religious beliefs; but yes, I argued over the existence of gods with Muslims. There are a few crazy fundies who might kill you if they thought they could get away with it – but there are Christian fundies in the US who’d do the same – and a handful of the loony types that fly planes into buildings, but you’d have to go looking for one. The vast majority of Muslims are no more likely to kill you over religion or any other dispute than anybody else. (In fact, I’d be far more wary of arguing about religion in public in Alabama than I would in Pakistan)

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scineram March 15, 2009 at 8:11 am

“Yes we do.”

I do not. The principles of argumentation have nothing whatsoever to do with such basic arithmetic.

“This is an unsatisfactory answer because you misunderstand the is/ought dichotomy. In your view of the dichotomy, if every person operated with the belief that 2+2=5 then such a statement would be an “is” statement. If every person operated with the belief that 2+2=5, then you could say “But the 2+2=4 thesis is not like that. Lots of reasonable people deny it.”

“Is” statements have nothing to do with the operation of human beings or whether “reasonable” people deny it. Whether human beings operate as if 2+2=5 does not affect the facts of reality (that 2+2=4). Likewise, human operations do not falsify the fact that we all own our bodies.”

The issue is can you prove we own our bodies? I am saying you cannot, because it is not an is statement. I am not saying 2+2=5 is not an is statement. I am saying you owning yourself is not.

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Brian Macker March 15, 2009 at 8:41 am

No he was being honest. It was a quite serious discussion. He’s a Wahhabi. We’re you in Pakistan, or one of the Muslim countries like Indonesia that received an Islam mollified by having to pass through many other cultures?

You see my impression from talking to Muslims is that they don’t see atheists so much as a threat as an opportunity for conversion at first. That can change.

Yes, of course most Muslims don’t take what their religion teaches seriously. Many Muslims like many Christians are closet non-believers in the first place. I’ve met those, but are they really “muslim”?

I certainly don’t expect my Muslim coworkers to come over and stab me in the night. They aren’t however going to toleration equality of rights with the likes of Jews and Christians in a Muslim country. Things are quite different when they are in control.

I don’t expect it yet in the US. But of course if I visit Britain, that’s a different story:

“A Christian minister who has had heated arguments with Muslims on his TV Gospel show has been brutally attacked by three men who ripped off his cross and warned: ‘If you go back to the studio, we’ll break your legs.’”

That’s why despite the fact that we invaded and conquered both Afghanistan and Iraq we did not set up constitutions that allowed for religious freedom. They would not have had that.

That’s also why they hate Israel. Islam is rabidly anti-semetic. Has the same kind of rules for Jews as blacks got in the deep south. Those uppity Jews in Israel had the nerve to migrate there to buy up land in their homeland and establish rule for themselves, in a BRITISH protectorate. You see they sided with the Nazis and had fantasies of exterminating the Jews, then lost.

That Muslim coworker I was talking about also discussed 9/11 and Israel with me. We talked about what was common knowledge in Pakistan, and the Muslim world as he understood it. Well, it’s totally crazy if you ask me.

Any Jewish conspiracy theorist would be proud. Turns out that Americans and Jews are these nearly all powerful creatures that have their fingers in everything. All these bombings, Saddam’s attack on Kuwait, mosques being blown up. All orchestrated by Jews and Americans.

BTW, ever meet a Nazi. I have, and they are quite pleasant socially. They also claim the holocaust is a lie, etc. That would be one of my sons best friends grandfather. I wouldn’t have even known this about him if it weren’t for the fact that the mother of my son’s friend told me the kinds of things her grandfather would tell her out of earshot of people like me. It came up around 9/11 when we were talking about intolerance.

Are you aware that they run an apartheid system over there in Pakistan? One where they beat non-Muslims to death over drinking from a public water cup, sort of like the old south for blacks. That is, of course, not if you are a “guest” American. Islam has different rules about treating guests and potential converts.

Here’s a story from Pakistan:

“LAHORE, PAKISTAN (ANS) — A Christian stone mason received critical injuries, including dislocation of his shoulder after he was seen drinking water from a public facility, by a Muslim man on June 6 (Tuesday) just outside the eastern city of Lahore, the Pakistan Christian Post (PCP) has reported.

Nasir Ashraf, the Christian mason was working at the construction site of a school. The trouble for him began while he was returning to the site. Confronting him with anger the Muslim man asked him as to why he drank water from the public facility by using a glass that was placed at the water tank.

“Why did you drink water from this glass since you are a Christian?” the PCP quoted the Muslim man as asking Nasir.

“The man accused the mason of polluting the glass and proceeded to destroy it. The Muslim man then summoned a crowd by shouting, “This Christian polluted our glass,” and encouraged them to beat him up”, the PCP report said.

“The crowd began beating Nasir, eventually pushing him off a ledge. The fall dislocated his shoulder, broke his collarbone in two places and knocked him unconscious,” it said.”

So how many atheist have been beaten up in Alabama for drinking from the public water cup? How many Islamic clerics have been murdered and how many Mosques burned down because some somebody drew a cartoon of Jesus in some other country.

How many have been stoned in Alabama for marrying a non-Christian?

How many Christians (or atheists) visiting Muslim countries have felt compelled to chop their wives heads off because they were becoming too Easternized and wanted a divorce? How many have killed their children for Easternizing?

I’ve been down south, and I’m quite open about my atheism. Never had a problem. My entire family down there knows I’m an atheist.

I read a biography by a Muslim from Egypt a few years ago. The guy was a Muslim cleric, who was taking advanced courses at Al-Azhar university, the most respected religious university in the area. He was working on an advanced religious degree. It dawned on him that the Islamic rules were a double standard, not peaceful at all, and he started questioning his belief.

He started asking questions of others like “Why if Islam is peaceful do we teach X” and he was immediately brought before administration for questioning. He soon found himself imprisoned for his own good. Eventually there were attempts on his own life including by his family. Yes, his family wanted him dead. He eventually had to flee Egypt.

That’s a main stream religious institution. Sort of like Harvard or Yale here. That’s the guys family. That’s a trained cleric at the most respected Islamic institution in the world.

All observation is interpreted by theory. Does your theory about the effects of Islam on Muslims fit these examples. Mine does. Mine also encompasses your own experiences. I don’t expect most people to want to kill others unless influenced by an ideology.

Don’t for a minute think that they were tolerating your discussion because of Hoppean concerns for self ownership. Islam allows slavery, and slavery is still alive in some Muslim countries.

Hell one of the top clerics, Sheikh Saleh Al-Fawzan, in Saudi Arabia is calling for the return of slavery. He’s the guy who wrote the textbook “Monotheism” that is used in Saudi schools and here in the US to teach Saudi high school students studying abroad.

When he says, “Slavery is part of jihad, and jihad will remain as long there is Islam.”, he means it. Jihad being the process of converting the world to Islam by force.

Don’t for a minute think that they are tolerating your discussion because they believe you have the same rights as any Muslim. If so then why aren’t their laws different? Believe even less that they would stand up for your rights. Most won’t as is quite evident from what they protest. Beauty pageants get them out in droves. Kill a nun, not so much.

BTW, some the Muslims that I was working with lied to me about Islam. When I actually read the Qur’an it was quite different than they explained, as was Mohammad’s behavior, and also Islamic law.

When 9/11 happened and I started paying attention to actual conditions in their countries of origin, what their clerics preach, etc. I also realized they were lying about Islamic law, and beliefs. They have one face they show to the non-Muslim, and another for themselves.

Nope, my Muslim co-worker wasn’t kidding. It was a rare moment of honesty.

I certainly don’t trust your judgment if you honestly believe the chances of being beat to death over religion is higher in Alabama than Muslim countries. Start paying attention to the newspaper.

You think they are so tolerant but Muslims kill other Muslims over religion every day. Persecution of Bah’ia and Ahmadiyya is commonplace. Sunni kill Shia, and vice versa. Open your eyes. How the hell does that fit your theories on the influence of Islam, and it’s views on self ownership, and tolerance of free speech.

How many Baptists have blow up thousand year old (or even one year old) Catholic churches in Alabama lately?

You want me to start quoting Islamic clerics and the Qur’an on these subjects? Not guys on the fringe but the most respected clerics in the world. It won’t support your views.

You claim that there is no requirement for you to follow Allah’s law in Muslim countries but I think you are deluding yourself. Here’s an example that contradicts your belief. A story of a British woman who is charged with adultery for having a cup of tea with a man.

I just think you were under their radar. I’d like to see you try to date a woman in western style in one of those countries. It would serve you right if you rot in jail for acting as a apologist for Islam.

Likewise the behavior of most respected representatives of Muslim countries from around the world operating in the UN. You believe they are for free speech, and self ownership. Yet they are pushing through a resolution to ban free speech worldwide when it comes to their religion. Hows that for respect for argumentation?

Certainly you are out of touch with reality.

When I used to talk with my Wahabbi friend about libertarianism he would claim that Islam was for it all. “Yes, it is like this in Islam” and “These are the teachings of Mohammed.” Then however when he would speak later on some other occasion it would be something that completely contradicted what he had said earlier. Thing is he believes both at the same time.

For example, he told me a religious story which the “moral of the story” was “Kill for religion, not for personal reasons”. I tried to tell him that this was not a “good value” and in fact completely alien to libertarian values. He didn’t get it. In fact he was proud of the moral to this story and how Mohammad had enlightened this fellow.

Nor did he understand why a ban on charging interest was not contradictory with libertarianism. Nor the kind of oppression that goes on in Pakistan. Nor why placing gun turrets in civilian areas to fire on other innocent civilians isn’t right.

BTW, he’s one of the nicest people I know, to all appearances in normal social settings talking about most subjects, most of the time. I just know what to ask.

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Brian Macker March 15, 2009 at 9:22 am

I’m siding with Freeman on this. He hits the nail on the head with his article, The Trouble with Hoppe Which was in your link.

Hoppe’s argument fails philosophically in the same way that some of Ayn Rands “proofs” fail. In fact Hoppe’s argument sounds like a variation on Rand.

A slave might argue that he shouldn’t be whipped so hard, according to the rules, and this can be entirely compatible with his acceptance of the rules that placed him in slavery. He might really believe in might makes right, and that the strong should enslave the weak. He was proven weak by his capture.

If he argued for his freedom on the basis of freedom for all men that would be a different story. It would be a contradiction for him to be a slave owner in that case.

Not every argument entails freedom for all men. As is quite clear if you listen to Sheikh Saleh Al-Fawzan advocate the return of slavery for non-Muslims. He wants a return to enslaving non-Muslims in order to spread the faith. Clearly that argument does not entail any contradiction on his part, he’s Muslim.

One can be a consistent religious bigot or racist and advocate slavery.

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Brainpolice March 15, 2009 at 11:37 am

The criticisms of Hoppe in the Liberty Symposium article are mostly fairly spot on. Hoppe’s argumentation ethics is not valid for a number of reasons: it conflates is and ought, I.E. it confuses the fact that something is owned with the ethic that it should be owned, and it presupposes precisely what it tries to prove without making an extended argument for it. It ends up functioning as a way to actually avoid having to engage in extended argumentation, much like Stefan Molyneux’s universally preferable behavior.

But I will not give my full critique of it here – that’ll be reserved for part of my book.

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Brainpolice March 15, 2009 at 11:41 am

The fact of the matter is that the NAP, self-ownership and property rights are not axoimatic in that they are not irreducable first principles. They are derived from and intertwined with other principles. They cannot be reasonably substantiated without reference to other concepts, and hence they cannot be substantiated as axoimatic goods “in themselves”.

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Brainpolice March 15, 2009 at 11:54 am

Yes, I’ve decided against holding my silence.

The argument that “self-ownership” is implicitly proven via the act of argumentation itself is a confused misnomer because it conflates the fact that you excersize control over your person with “self-ownership” as an ethical concept, I.E. “self-ownership” as the idea that your person should not be controlled by others. These are two entirely different questions – “self-ownership” in the former sense is ontological, while “self-ownership” in the latter sense is ethical.

There is no way to directly and absolutely derive one from the other – the fact that I purposefully act, in and of itself, does not prove that others ought to not interfere with my action. At best, all it proves is that I purposefully act. Nor does the fact that I purposefully act inherently imply that I share a particular ethical theory of justified action (namely, an explicitly libertarian ethic of personal sovereignty).

Obviously, “self-ownership” in the ethical sense is not an ontological given, otherwise the world would inherently be libertarian already. Hence, “self-ownership” in the libertarian sense in by no means some sort of unavoidable fact of nature, since it is regularly transgressed upon. People might all purposefully act, but they do not have “full self-ownership” in the sense of a personal sovereignty from interference with their person by others.

The same goes for “property rights”. The fact that someone owns something in and of itself is not “property rights”, it’s simply ownership. The fact that someone currently owns something, in and of itself, is not a “proof of property rights” – unless your notion of “property rights” is “might makes right” or something along those lines. Clearly, libertarians do not wish to propose that “might makes right”, so this is rather confusing.

This rhetorical trickery implicit in argumentation ethics avoids having to actually make a positive case for these things – we can just assume them as an axoimatic given and poo-poo anyone who argues with us as if they are denying some sort of obvious metaphysical given at the level of “existance” itself.

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Roderick T. Long March 15, 2009 at 12:33 pm

I accept universalisability, but I think it needs to be grounded in something; it’s not a self-evident starting-point.

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Brainpolice March 15, 2009 at 12:50 pm

Thankyou for summing up the problem that way, Roderick. I also accept universalizability, but do not accept a strictly “axoimatic” approach to libertarianism.

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Brainpolice March 15, 2009 at 2:07 pm

I also cannot help but put foreward a problem I see with an ontological concept of “self-ownership”, as in the descriptive statement that “you own yourself” or “I own myself”, aside from the fact that it should not be conflated with “self-ownership” in an ethical sense (I can ontologically have “self-ownership” while being a slave).

I think that the performative contradiction argument may fail against the statement that “I don’t own myself, I am myself”. The statement is essentially rejecting “the self” as an absolute dualism: “There is only one me”. I could very well say that “I am owned by noone” or “I should be owned by noone”. The concept of “self-ownership” as a dualism can be questioned thus:

Is this an absolute mind/body dichotomy? Who is it that is doing the owning? If I own it, then it is not me, right? Or if I am owned, then I am not the owner, right? How can I be both the owned and the owner at the same time? Doesn’t the concept of property entail a relationality between owner and owned, but not an absolute unity (I.E. the owner does not become owned by what they own)?

Hence we reach the slippery slope of Cartesian mind/body and mind/matter dualism, and some form of monism (or perhaps something along the Lines of John Searle’s views on the mind) seems necessary to escape the trap. The idea that “the mind owns the body” seems a little strange to say the least. Furthemore, the body to my knowledge is not, in a libertarian paradigm, something to be traded or bought and sold in any literal sense.

It consequentially seems somewhat fallacious to concieve of personal sovereignty as a property right in and of itself, since it is not exactly the same as a property right in an external object. The independance of the subject itself is what’s in question. Presumably, by “self-ownership” we really intend to refer to something along the lines of “personal sovereignty” or “individual sovereignty”, which can more accurately be expressed as the idea that people cannot be owned, that they are not subject to the arbitrary decision-making power of others.

Argumentation ethics seems to conflate this ethical premise with an ontological and espistemological question of the existance and nature of “the self”.

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Curt Howland March 15, 2009 at 6:59 pm

Everybody knows 2+2=5, for extremely large values of 2.

The one and only reason 2+2 is generally equal to 4 is because we have pre-defined both 2 and 4.

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Brian Macker March 15, 2009 at 6:59 pm

Nobody owns people. Ownership is the right to exclusive control. Rights are established by agreement. We are already hardwired to control our own bodies. We need no agreement to establish what already exists. Thus we need no ownership of our bodies to control them. It’s a fact that we already do have control of ourselves.

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Danny Shahar March 15, 2009 at 8:39 pm
Michael A. Clem March 15, 2009 at 9:27 pm

I find Frank van Dun’s paper interesting, and I think it does deal with some of the objections raised. Ultimately, it seems as if AE “proves” its case only if one assumes that rational behavior is desirable, that is, if one wants to be rational, then libertarianism is the only rational, non-contradictory position. There is only one means to that particular end, and all other means fail to achieve that end. Of course, it does not prove that rational behavior is desirable, and certainly plenty of people choose not to be rational, but I would think there is enough empirical and historical data to show that rational behavior is indeed desirable.
Thus, once again, the context of an “absolute” statement (in this case, AE) must necessarily be limited for it to be true, otherwise it surely fails. The distinction or delimitation of this context seems to evade most people, including Murphy and Callahan.
My problem with AE may be that I don’t fully understand it (although Dun’s paper is illuminating), but it doesn’t really seem to be persuasive.

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chris george March 15, 2009 at 9:41 pm

“Nobody owns people. Ownership is the right to exclusive control. Rights are established by agreement. We are already hardwired to control our own bodies. We need no agreement to establish what already exists. Thus we need no ownership of our bodies to control them. It’s a fact that we already do have control of ourselves.”

You assume that “ownership” and “rights” exists. You could be right, but you might be wrong. Since you might be wrong, the argument that follows based on the assumption is invalid.

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impressive March 15, 2009 at 10:53 pm

This discussion has been nominated for the “Philosophical Epeen Flexing Comment Thread of the Year” award! Gratz to all involved!

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Dmitry Chernikov March 16, 2009 at 12:49 am
Peter March 16, 2009 at 6:51 am

Nobody owns people. Ownership is the right to exclusive control. Rights are established by agreement. We are already hardwired to control our own bodies. We need no agreement to establish what already exists. Thus we need no ownership of our bodies to control them. It’s a fact that we already do have control of ourselves.

Which, as you said, is the definition of ownership – therefore we own outselves. QED.

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Brainpolice March 16, 2009 at 2:31 pm

“Which, as you said, is the definition of ownership – therefore we own outselves.”

To me, the definition of ownership inherently signifies a relationship between a person and an object. Therefore, we cannot possibly own ourselves, because we are the person/subject. If you are to say that “we” are doing the owning, then it cannot be “us” that is owned. If you are to say that “we” are the owned, then it cannot be “us” that is doing the owning. Welcome to the logical trap of self-ownership as a dualism.

Also, note what was said in the statement you were responding to: he said that ownership is the RIGHT to exclusive control. Not the FACT of exclusive control per se. He’s saying that, by default, we already do in some sense have such control. However, this doesn’t prove the RIGHT to exclusive control, all it proves is what we already knew – that we purposefully act. You’re conflating the fact that people purposefully act with the ethic of personal sovereignty.

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FTG March 16, 2009 at 5:26 pm

I also cannot help but put forward a problem I see with an ontological concept of “self-ownership”, as in the descriptive statement that “you own yourself” or “I own myself”, aside from the fact that it should not be conflated with “self-ownership” in an ethical sense (I can ontologically have “self-ownership” while being a slave).

You can be a slave in a voluntary way (accept a masters orders) or you can be slaved by someone by force. Either way, you accept self-ownership and sovereignty by accepting being a slave or not accepting being a slave. The point of the argument is that you cannot avoid having self ownership because the contrary is impossible – you cannot own someone’s else body with your mind, nor can the master control his slave’s body with his mind – he has to resort to COERCION in order to achieve a result, but only because YOU as a slave own you own body. The master requires your acquiescence, otherwise he gets nothing, precisely because he cannot OWN your body.

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Brian Macker March 16, 2009 at 5:50 pm

Peter,
“Which, as you said, is the definition of ownership – therefore we own ourselves. QED”

Nope. Ownership is the right to control, not direct control. Otherwise if I steal your car I am the owner. Control and right to control are different things.

“You assume that “ownership” and “rights” exists. “
Because they do just like marriage exists.

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Brainpolice March 16, 2009 at 6:46 pm

“You can be a slave in a voluntary way (accept a masters orders) or you can be slaved by someone by force. Either way, you accept self-ownership and sovereignty by accepting being a slave or not accepting being a slave. The point of the argument is that you cannot avoid having self ownership because the contrary is impossible – you cannot own someone’s else body with your mind, nor can the master control his slave’s body with his mind – he has to resort to COERCION in order to achieve a result, but only because YOU as a slave own you own body. The master requires your acquiescence, otherwise he gets nothing, precisely because he cannot OWN your body.”

I’m sorry, but Walter Block’s “voluntary slavery” notion is confused. Slavery qua slavery is not voluntary, and it is impossible to alienate the will from the body. Hence, rights are inalienable.

Once again, my entire point is that you are redefining “self-ownership” to be an ontological thing, the mere fact that you have a will and purposefully act. But that is not “self-ownership” as an ethic of personal sovereignty.

“Self-ownership” as an ethic of personal sovereignty is NOT intrinsic, it’s a goal. The fact that you cannot directly control someone’s mind doesn’t mean that the person actually has personal sovereignty. All it means is that that have their own will. Having a will does NOT equal “self-ownership” in an ethical sense.

When libertarians speak of “self-ownership”, presumably they do not meant to imply that we are inherently free in this way. The entire fallacy of the Hoppean argument is that it is conflating is and ought. It conflates the fact of purposeful action with the sovereignty to act without interference.

The fact that I have a will is not “proof of self-ownership”, it’s proof that I have a will. The notion that the fact that I have a will is “proof” of the ethic that my person should not be infringed upon is simply philosophically absurd. The idea that a slave is a “self-owner” in a libertarian sense is outrageous.

This entire thing is based on bad philosophy.

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Brainpolice March 16, 2009 at 6:59 pm

This entire confusion can be cleared up if people would accept that ethics are not ontological facts. Argumentation ethics blatantly conflates libertarian ethics with ontological facts.

That I physiologically have control of my own body may be an ontological fact, but that is not the same thing as “self-ownership” as an ethic of personal sovereignty. I could physiologically have control of my own body while being a slave, and thus to argue that I am “free” or that the ethic that I should be “free” is implicitly proven by the fact that I act as such is to conflate ethics and ontology.

While it might be true that having such a physiological capacity to purposefully act is a logical prerequisite for having rights, the capacity itself is not what it means to have rights. Rights are not intrinsic in this sense – we do not all inherently have the *actualization* of rights, otherwise there would be no need to talk of them prescriptively and we’d all already live in a purely libertarian world.

Hence, the attempt to “prove” such ethical propositions *as if* they are ontological facts of nature, as if they are intrinsic properties that we have, is to completely drop context and try to derive an is from an ought in an absurd way. If they were ontological facts, then they would not be ethical propositions in the first place, it would just be an inherent trait.

Using such a method, one could argue thus: I have control over America, therefore this proves that I have an objective right to control America. There is no absolute or direct logical connection between the two, this is just bare fallacious assertion. The same goes for “I have property, therefore I have an objective right to this property”. Oh, yea? What if it’s a thief’s property? This is context-dropping and oversimplification to the Nth degree.

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Peter March 16, 2009 at 11:35 pm

I do not. The principles of argumentation have nothing whatsoever to do with such basic arithmetic.

Ever heard of this little thing called a “proof”; I hear mathematicians are big on those.

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Peter March 17, 2009 at 12:04 am

No he was being honest. It was a quite serious discussion. He’s a Wahhabi. We’re you in Pakistan, or one of the Muslim countries like Indonesia that received an Islam mollified by having to pass through many other cultures?

If he told you you’d be killed if you went to Pakistan he wasn’t being honest. I was in Indonesia for four years and Abu Dhabi (United Arab Emirates) for two. I’ve never been to Pakistan, but I know people who’ve been there (many times), and they all came back alive and well.

That’s also why they hate Israel. Islam is rabidly anti-semetic.

That’s hilarious, since the majority of Muslims (Arabs) are Semitic. And historically, Jews have been better treated in Muslim lands than in Christian lands.

You claim that there is no requirement for you to follow Allah’s law in Muslim countries. […] I just think you were under their radar.

Nope. During Ramadan, police go around cafes and restaurants making sure there are no locals eating lunch, etc. They don’t bother the foreigners.

Likewise the behavior of most respected representatives of Muslim countries from around the world operating in the UN. You believe they are for free speech, and self ownership.

I do? That’s news to me; I thought I believed the polar opposite! I’m not saying Islam is a good thing – it isn’t. No religion is. All I’m saying is you don’t need to cower under your bed fearing you’ll be killed by any Muslim you meet. No need to demonize them.

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Peter March 17, 2009 at 12:07 am

Nope. Ownership is the right to control, not direct control. Otherwise if I steal your car I am the owner. Control and right to control are different things.

You’re suggesting we don’t have a right to control ourselves?

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Michael A. Clem March 17, 2009 at 11:57 am

Let me try a paraphrase of AE and see if it makes sense–correct me if I’m wrong about what it says.
Essentially, nothing can be justified without making an argument in favor of it. Argumentation requires certain assumptions or premises that are basically libertarian in nature, and thus, any argument against libertarianism is a logical contradiction (or performative contradiction). No non-libertarian position can be justified, and thus, no non-libertarian position is legitimate, but requires coercion to be put into practice.
Does that sound about right? If so, it seems logically correct, leaving its only possible weakness in the premises that argumentaion supposedly requires. However, one must also consider what one means by “winning” the argument, and succeeding at justifying it, because that part seems rather vague. People are not equal in their arguing abilities, and people certainly do argue for contrary positions–how do we know when an argument succeeds or fails?

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Dmitry Chernikov March 18, 2009 at 1:05 pm

Mitchell Jones writes: “Being alive surely presupposes access to food; but, just as surely, it does not presuppose that you have a right to access to food, or even that the particular food to which you have access is yours by right. (Consuming stolen food can sustain life and the ability to argue.)” This is reminiscent of Rothbard: “Similarly, if someone says that every man has a ‘natural right’ to three square meals a day, it is glaringly obvious that this is a fallacious natural law or natural rights theory; for there are innumerable times and places where it is physically impossible to provide three square meals for all, or even for the majority, of the population.” (The Ethics of Liberty, 43) But perhaps in order to argue as efficiently as possible, the debaters need three square meals a day. Has Hoppe proven too much again?

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Brian Macker March 18, 2009 at 8:58 pm

Peter,

“That’s hilarious, since the majority of Muslims (Arabs) are Semitic.”

No, what’s hilarious is that I know what Semitic means but you don’t know what antisemitic means. Hint: hotdogs aren’t made of dog meat.

“All I’m saying is you don’t need to cower under your bed fearing you’ll be killed by any Muslim you meet. No need to demonize them.”

I don’t. I was making a point about Islamic philosophic grounding. You were too dense to get that. It was a discussion about the philosophical basis of Islam, not Muslims in general. I said, “Islam for instance doesn’t care about self ownership.” It doesn’t. Islam advocates murder and force in dealing with non-believers.

The “they” in my comment refers to those who take these religious rules seriously. There are plenty of those. Historically Islam has killed over 90 million people.

Suppose I had said the following:

“Communism for instance doesn’t care about property rights. Property is owned by the State, and if you are not following the States rules then you are wrong. No argument about it, they just take your stuff and if you resist, kill you.”

Would you then feel obligated to inform me that “most communists are nice people, and wouldn’t think of trying to steal my stuff, or murder me”. Would you inform me how you had traveled to the USSR and not once been put in the Gulag. Do you really need to go out of your way to do that?

You need to start reading anti-Islamic writing the same way you’d read anti-communist writing.

I’ll badmouth Islam and those who kill in it’s name all I want.

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Brian Macker March 18, 2009 at 11:37 pm

“You’re suggesting we don’t have a right to control ourselves?”

No, I’m saying that our self control does not amount to ownership. You don’t need a right to control yourself because your control is inalienable.

I think this is a case where the English language is a stumbling block preventing communication. There is a subtle equivocation that is going on in this conversation because we do not have separate words for the kind of external control over inanimate objects we have, and the kind of internal control we have of our bodies.

Let’s use the word animatrol to refer specifically and exclusively to the kind of internal control we have over our selves (our body which includes our brain and thus our thoughts). Let’s use the word extrol to mean external control.

Now be careful. I am pretending that we are using a language in which it makes no sense to literally say “I animatroled my self”. Because that would imply that they our bodies are external to ourselves. It would be like saying, “I run passed my self”, since you can only run passed external objects.

Individuals animatrol of them selves is not alienable. As actors we cannot turn over the animatrolation of our bodies to others. Nor can we turn over animatrolation of our minds to others (in the sense of controlling our thoughts since I mean a broader control than mere body part movement).

A right is an entitlement. In the case of ownership the entitlement is to exclusive extrol of some entity. We need this exclusivity because it is possible for several different actors to simultaneously try to extrol an object, and in ways that conflict.

In the case of extrol ownership in this sense is possible. It is possible to have an entitlement to exclusivity of extrol of some entity. The entitlement prevents conflict of uses, and also conflicts of plans.

The whole purpose of the ownership, the entitlement, is to prevent the conflict of uses, and plans. That’s what justifies it.

Since extrol is external it is also possible to give or trade away the entitlement to such extrol, or merely immediate active extrol of an object.

Since it is impossible for someone to animatrol another persons self (or body) the issue of exclusivity doesn’t even arise. There is no need to resolve a conflict here. There is no need to entitle you to animatrol of yourself because no one else can animatrol you, nor can your animatrolation be alienated. Nor can you give or trade away your animtrol.

So not only can’t you own animtrol, you can sell it, nor give it away. Nor is there any potential conflict over it. In other words you cannot own yourself.

Now it is possible for others to treat a slave as if he were an inanimate object. They can certainly attempt extrol over him.

It also makes sense with regards to other actors (slave masters) that they will want the entitlement to exclusive extrol over the slave in order to eliminate conflict. They might even want to give or trade the entitlement to extrol of the slave to others. In other words, the word ownership in slavery makes sense if the slave is treated as an inanimate object, not as another actor.

There are a problem with this that cause it not to be true ownership. The problem is that the slave is not an inanimate object.

Slaves exhibit animatrol, internal control. Thus they do have control over themselves even if they don’t have ownership over themselves, as I stated above. As you will see they don’t need to have self ownership in order to make the slave masters claims to true ownership false.

The slaves animatrol, internal control, can and will conflict with any extrol, external control, attempted by the slaver. All that need happen is for the slave to have different goals or plans. Even if harmonious at one time it can still come to conflict when the slave and the masters interests diverge. Since a person cannot alienate their animatrol this is always a potential even if they are “willing slaves”.

A slave is also an actor in exactly the same sense as your potential slave master. Thus the kind of ownership of slavery does not in fact resolve all conflicts of control between all actors. There is still the conflict between the owner and the slave.

Thus slave ownership does not resolve conflicts of uses and plans.

The owners claim of entitlement to exclusive extrol, and thus control, over the slave’s self is in fact impossible. The slave is in fact an actor whose uses and plans for his own self will conflict with the slavers.

Since this entitlement does not fully serve the purpose of ownership it is not true ownership. It rests on the falsehood that other actors are inanimate.

The only possible way to resolve this conflict is not through exclusivity of extrol, a false ownership, but through freedom.

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Jeremy L. July 5, 2009 at 9:02 pm

This similarity reflects the tradition of German language philosophy shared by both Mises and Habermas (originator of argumentation ethics). They both explicitly acknowledge enormous debts to Kant.

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Fraud, Restitution, and Retaliation: The Libertarian Approach

[From my Webnote series]

Related: Standing Threats

Related

From the Mises Blog, Feb. 3, 2009. Archived comments are here.

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Fraud, Restitution, and Retaliation: The Libertarian Approach

02/03/2009

In, Bryan Caplan’s EconLog post Fraud and Punishment, Caplan comes down on the pro property side while Hayekian Will Wilkinson proclaims that “libertarianism is not Rothbardism” and chides Caplan and others for “conflating” the two. Leaving aside this dispute about who should be thrown out of the libertarian “church,” I noted a few points made that were worth responding to at length. My comment there is reproduced below.

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Regarding the contention that libertarianism doesn’t prohibit fraud.

This was argued years ago by non-libertarian James Child. In this post, The Problem with “Fraud”: Fraud, Threat, and Contract Breach as Types of Aggression, the “Fraud” section, I explain what is wrong with standard libertarian views on fraud (and with the criticisms of libertarianism in this regard, based in part on loose talk about “fraud). The problem is that people use fraud to mean basically “dishonesty,” and in this usage it’s hard to see why it’s a type of aggression. If one has a coherent understanding of the nature of contract (a title-transfer theory along the Evers-Rothbard line) and property rights, then one has to understand fraud as some kind of misrepresentation that vitiates the consent needed for a title transfer to be effective. But I go into this in greater detail in that post, and in the articles linked therein.

(Regarding the term “coercion,” I think this too is a term misused by libertarians–coercion is not a synonym for or even a subset of aggression; it’s a type of force, and force can be justified or not. SEe my post “Coercion” is annoying, but coercion is neutral.)

Regarding the contention of Cowen “that not only punishment, but even requiring restitution, is contrary to libertarianism”, because it’s impossible to get restitution in some cases. Thus, punishment is unlibertarian, since it does not make the victim whole–so the argument goes.

The problem here is a common libertarian mistake of making restitution the goal of justice. Then someone like Cowen quite rightly points out that restitution really means making someone whole, but that this is a utopian, unattainable goal; and therefore, there’s nothing to be done in such cases.

The mistake is in thinking restitution is primary and punishment is only secondary, or even impermissible–that the only force that is permissible is that used to enforce some kind of restitution, or perhaps as some kind of extended self-defense (putting down a standing threat, as Randy Barnett argues (see pp. 80- and n. 11, in the section “Standing Threats,” in my Inalienability and Punishment); or as some kind of incapacitation)–but never pure “retribution” or punishment.

As I have laid out in detail elsewhere (Punishment and Proportionality: The Estoppel Approach; also Inalienability and Punishment; Defending Argumentation Ethics; and New Rationalist Directions in Libertarian Rights Theory), I believe the proper approach is to realize that justice is about giving someone their due, and what a victim is due is being allowed to respond in kind to the aggressor, within the limits of proportionality.

That is, libertarianism opposes aggression, the initiation of force. But it does not hold that the opposite of aggression is unjustified. The opposite of aggression–the initiation of force–is not “defensive” force, or “force used to enforce restitution”–but rather, “responsive” force–force in response to aggression. Force is thus either initiated, or it is in response to intiated force. “Responsive force” is justified; aggression is not.

Responsive force may also be referred to as retaliation, even punishment or retribution, but the latter concepts are probably best viewed as a type of responsive force, or one possible purpose of responsive force. As I note in Inalienability and Punishment (see the section “The Right of Proportional Punishment,” at p. 84; see also Punishment and Proportionality),

an individual has a right to use force against an aggressor in response to aggression. This right to use force can be utilized for a variety of purposes: for self-defense during or before the act of aggression, for revenge, to obtain restitution, to prevent the aggressor from committing further crimes, or to deter others from committing crimes. What the victim wants to use the right for is his business. But the reason why a victim has a right to retaliate or defend against an aggressor is that the aggressor cannot sensibly withhold his consent to retaliatory, defensive, or restitutive force (these may be considered different types of responsive force, that is, non-initiated force, force which is in response to initiated force). To use related legal terminology, the aggressor is “estopped,” or precluded, from denying the victim’s right to use (proportional) responsive force, since such a denial would contradict the aggressor’s view that the use of force is permissible (the view demonstrated by the act of aggression).

In other words, it is retaliation–the right to respond with proportionate force against the aggressor–that is the primary right the victim has under libertarian justice. Restitution is then seen not as some utopian, unattainable goal of making the victim whole (which is impossible), but simply the ransom paid by the aggressor pursuant to negotiation backed by the victim’s threat of imposing the rightful amount of responsive force he is entitled to impose.

Thus, in the example given about the stolen and destroyed painting, the victim has the right to do something similar to the aggressor–take the aggressor’s property and destroy it (or not–up to the victim). This does not rest on any fallacious notion that there are property rights in value (there are not, as Hoppe shows–see here and here). But there is no reason to take into account the consequences to the victim, that are a result of an act of trespass (aggression), when determining the proportionality of the response.

Finally, let me note that just because the right to forcefully respond, including use of force for not only defensive or restitutive purposes, but also for retaliation or retribution, does not mean that we would expect a libertarian society to actually employ punishment often in practice. As I argued in Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law, a review essay of Randy Barnett’s The Structure of Liberty, “It is … more costly to seek punishment than to seek restitution. For this and other reasons, restitution would probably become the predominant mode of justice in a free society.”

See Stephan Kinsella, “Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law,” in Legal Foundations of a Free Society (Houston, Texas: Papinian Press, 2023), the section “Restitution vs. Retribution”:

One interesting argument that Barnett makes, with regard to enforcement error and abuse, is that all criminal justice should be restitutive, not punitive or retributive. As I have argued elsewhere,[79 I believe Barnett is mistaken that retribution (punishment) violates the rights of (actually guilty) aggressors.[80] However, in keeping with his consequentialist approach, which avoids questions of justification of fundamental norms, Barnett does not pretend to make a strong theoretical case for the rights of aggressors to be free from punishment.[81]

Indeed, most of Barnett’s concerns regarding punishment are warranted: he opposes it because he believes it may deter crime less than would a restitution-based system and also because the unavoidable possibility of error can lead to “infliction of harm on the innocent.”[82 Like Barnett, I am concerned about the unavoidable possibility of mistakenly punishing the innocent, and thus admit the appeal of a restitution-based system in order to avoid punishing innocents. Moreover, Barnett makes a powerful and original argument for why the standard of proof should be higher if a victim seeks to punish a purported aggressor rather than merely obtain restitution.[83] Thus, a victim seeking to punish the aggressor must prove guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, whereas the lower standard of preponderance of the evidence is more appropriate for a civil trial for damages. It is therefore more costly to seek punishment than to seek restitution. For this and other reasons, restitution would probably become the predominant mode of justice in a free society.

Nevertheless, acknowledging (and justifying) the theoretical legitimacy of punishment can be useful. For example, punishment (or a theory of punishment) may be utilized to reach a more objective determination of the proper amount of restitution,[84] because a serious aggression leads to the right to inflict more severe punishment on the aggressor, which would thus tend to be traded for a higher average amount of ransom or restitution than for comparatively minor crimes.[85] Especially offended victims will tend to bargain for a higher ransom; and richer aggressors will tend to be willing to pay more ransom to avoid the punishment the victim has a right to inflict, thereby solving the so-called “millionaire” problem faced under a pure restitution system (where a rich man may commit crimes with impunity, since he can simply pay easily-affordable restitution after committing the crime).

Moreover, even if punishment is banned (de facto or de jure) and is not an actual option—because of the possibility of mistakenly punishing innocents, say—an award of restitution can be based on the model of punishment. To-wit: a jury could be instructed to award the victim an amount of money it believes he could bargain for, given all the circumstances, if he could threaten to proportionately punish the aggressor. This can lead to more just and objective restitution awards than would result if the jury is simply told to award the amount of damages it “feels” is “fair.” Barnett nowhere specifies any objective standards or criteria by which a judge or jury is to determine the amount of restitution a victim is to receive for a non-economic crime like murder, rape, and the like. He specifies only that the aggressor must “compensate” the victim for the “harm caused,” to “restore” the victim.[86] Thus, a retribution-based system, even if used only as a model to help determine the amount or standard of restitutive damages, supplements Barnett’s theory of a restitution-based justice system.

[79] “Inalienability and Punishment: A Reply to George Smith” (ch. 10); for more on the theory of inalienability, including discussion of Barnett’s views in this regard, see “A Libertarian Theory of Contract: Title Transfer, Binding Promises, and Inalienability” (ch. 9). See also Walter E. Block, “Toward a Libertarian Theory of Inalienability: A Critique of Rothbard, Barnett, Smith, Kinsella, Gordon, and Epstein,” J. Libertarian Stud. 17, no. 3 (Spring 2003; https://perma.cc/79AC-34BZ): 39–85, and my discussion of Block’s views in “Selling Does Not Imply Ownership, and Vice-Versa: A Dissection” (ch. 11).

[80] For justification of the right to punish aggressors, see “A Libertarian Theory of Punishment and Rights” (ch. 5); “Dialogical Arguments for Libertarian Rights” (ch. 6); and Hoppe, A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism, p. 157 et pass.

[81] As Barnett acknowledges, “this analysis cannot conclusively prove that no combination of compensation or punishment can ever address effectively the compliance problem.” Structure, p. 237. And further: “I do not claim to have completely demonstrated this proposition [that justice requires restitution, no punishment] either in my earlier writings, or in this book.” Ibid., p. 185 n.36. See also pp. 228 & 320, and p. 321: “If men were gods, then perhaps imposing rewards and punishments on the basis of desert would be a workable theory.” Also: “It has been noted that one who wishes to extinguish or convey an inalienable right may do so by committing the appropriate wrongful act and thereby forfeiting it.” Randy E. Barnett, “Contract Remedies and Inalienable Rights,” Social Pol’y & Phil. 4, no. 1 (Autumn 1986; https://perma.cc/P8JL-KAT2): 179–202, p. 186, citing Diane T. Meyers, Inalienable Rights: A Defense (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985). As I noted in “Inalienability and Punishment: A Reply to George Smith” (ch. 10), Smith is incorrect in claiming that Barnett’s writings support Smith’s view that all rights, even those of a murderer, are inalienable. See George H. Smith, “A Killer’s Right to Life,” Liberty 10, no. 2 (November 1996; https://perma.cc/AF2J-RAL9): 46–54. For more on forfeiture or waiver of rights, see also Herbert Morris, “Persons and Punishment,” in On Guilt and Innocence: Essays in Legal Philosophy and Moral Psychology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), pp. 31, 52, et pass., discussing the right to bodily integrity and the waiver of this right; also “A Libertarian Theory of Punishment and Rights” (ch. 5), n.88 and Appendix: The Justice of Responsive Force.

[82] Structure, p. 228, emphasis added; also pp. 197, 228.

[83] Ibid., p. 212.

[84] On the issue of determination of the proper amount of damages, see Bruce L. Benson, “Restitution in Theory and Practice,” J. Libertarian Stud. 12, no. 1 (Spring 1996; https://mises.org/library/restitution-theory-and-practice): 79–83, and Murray N. Rothbard, “Punishment and Proportionality,” in The Ethics of Liberty (https://mises.org/library/punishment-and-proportionality-0), pp. 88–89.

[85] For further discussion of criminals buying their way out of punishment, see “Inalienability and Punishment: A Reply to George Smith” (ch. 10); “A Libertarian Theory of Punishment and Rights” (ch. 5); Rothbard, “Punishment and Proportionality,” pp. 86, 89; Roger Pilon, “Criminal Remedies: Restitution, Retribution, or Both?” Ethics 88, no. 4 (July 1978): 348–57, at 356.

[86] Structure, pp. 159, 185.

(See also “A Libertarian Theory of Punishment and Rights” and “Inalienability and Punishment: A Reply to George Smith,” both in in Legal Foundations of a Free Society.)

This latter point (“This can lead to more just and objective restitution awards than would result if the jury is simply told to award the amount of damages it “feels” is “fair.” ) is significant because, as noted above, restitution based on the idea of restoring the victim is, as Cowen notes, often impossible, so meaningless; for this reason, those advocating restitution usually are vague about the proper standard (since there is no proper standard), or just “punt” it to the juries or courts, much like Congress does when it uses vague terms in statutes or Constitutions such as “accommodate” in the Americans with Disabilities Act or “privileges or immunities” in the Fourteenth Amendment.

One final note. To claim that a murderer who is imprisoned is there unjustly is a confusion. It does not violate his rights, as I argued in Inalienability and Punishment. It is unjust for other reasons–for one, it’s done by the state, which is inherently criminal and unjust; for another, it’s paid for by tax dollars stolen from citizens; for another, it violates the rights of the victim by depriving them of either personal vengeance or a type of restitution.

Update: See also Stateless Justice: A Response to Mario Demolidor (2020). Some excerpts:

All this being said, I do have some opinions on this matter, which I summarized previously in “Fraud, Restitution, and Retaliation: The Libertarian Approach.” I have argued extensively in my “estoppel” based theory of libertarian rights (The Genesis of Estoppel: My Libertarian Rights Theory) that, in principle, an act of aggression entitles the victim to retaliate with proportionate, responsive force against the aggressor. Thus, in principle, punishment of (retribution against) an aggressor is, in theory, justified.

And yet I am skeptical that institutionalized punishment would be feasible or necessary in a free society, for several reasons. First, unlike today’s society, in which the “state” is seen as the victim of a violent crime, in a free society, it is the actual victim (or his heirs or family) would would be the plaintiff.

The state can punish aggressors — or, more often, it punishes or jails “criminals” who have violated state legislated positive law, but not actually committed any crime (see Another Problem with Legislation: James Carter v. the Field Codes) — and can force the taxpayer to pay for the costs of incarceration. And the state can, and often does, make mistakes. Incarcerating a malfeasor usually does no good for the victim; no restitution is made.

The criminal is made worse off by his time in jail. As noted by Michael Malice on a recent “YOUR WELCOME” episode, one thinker (whose name I forget) has pointed out, the only people who should be in prison are people you never want to let out — i.e., the only really justifiable use of punishment or prison is to “incapacitate” dangers people — to prevent them from continuing to harm people. But incarceration rarely serves other supposed goals of the justice system — to provide restitution or to rehabilitate the offender.

So the fact that there can be the possibility of mistake combined with the fact that a punitive system is not likely to lead to restitution for the victim or rehabilitation of the offender leads me to believe that a restitution-based model would likely prevail in a free society — probably handled by custom, local tradition, or standards of insurance companies or regional agreements. In some cases of especially dangerous criminals or heinous crimes, there would probably be some kind of “street justice” (the family or others simply kill the bad guy and everyone “turns a blind eye”), or physical ostracism, 3 or perhaps even permanent incarceration or enslavement. But by and large I would expect a private restitution system to prevail.

Now as to the question of such courts, tribunals, or agencies exerting jurisdiction over the malfeasor: Many libertarians think one defect of a stateless order is that without the defendant’s consent, he could not be tried, or punished. I think this is somewhat mistaken.

As argued in my estoppel theory of rights (Punishment and Proportionality: The Estoppel Approach), by committing aggression, the aggression consents to punishment by the victim or his agents. Therefore, I do not believe the victim’s agency would violate the rights of the aggressor by hauling him into court, arresting him, trying him, or even punishing him — even if he never “contractually” agreed to the court’s jurisdiction.

For one, he has already “agreed” by virtue of committing aggression. For another, even if he had agreed “contractually”, this would not be dispositive, since rights are contractually inalienable (as I argue here A Libertarian Theory of Contract: Title Transfer, Binding Promises, and Inalienability and Inalienability and Punishment: A Reply to George Smith).

But finally, I think in virtually all cases, it is not necessary to compel someone to show up for trial. Most people in a civilized, advanced, free society would find it necessary to have insurance; it would be difficult to find a place to live and engage in commerce and social interaction without it. And these insurers would have inter-agency agreements and so on.

Anyone who refused to have insurance would in effect be an outlaw or ostracized, and certainly marginalized and usually not a serious threat. And thus arbitral tribunal decisions would tend to be respected, since this is the only way for the malefactor to earn his way back into society and refusal to cooperate would result in his shunning and effective ostracism, if not a more severe form of “street justice” on some occasions.

In the cases where the malfeasor is penniless or runs off or disappears or refuses to cooperate, the victim’s insurer would make a payment to him, which would give the insurers an incentive to prevent crime in the first place. Similarly, the issue of cloudy title to real property would tend to be handled by property title insurers (see Property Title Records and Insurance in a Free Society).

***

The Death Penalty

And finally, as for death penalty: as suggested above and as noted in my estoppel theory, in principle, lethal force is justified defensively during the commission of almost any serious, violent crime. And technically, I believe it is justified in response to any significantly serious violent crime, so long as bounds of proportionality are taken into account.

For difficult or “gray area” cases, I have posited that the “dilemma” here is caused by the aggressor, and therefore, the burden of argumentation and “theorizing” falls on the defendant and his attorneys to prove why the victim is not entitled to execute him (see Punishment and Proportionality: The Estoppel Approach, pp. 71–72).

That said, as noted above, it is difficult to imagine the private legal systems of an advanced, civilized, wealthy, free society having widespread institutional punishment, much less capital punishment, because, this generally provides no restitution to the victim, and there are huge costs of error. But on the other hand, we could expect to occasionally see “street justice” where an outraged family or friends simply assassinate or murder the malfeasor.

This might be risky for the family members because it might jeopardize their own standing in the community or insurability, but it’s easy to imagine situations where most people shrug and say “he had it coming” and let the matter pass. Or in cases where someone’s crimes are so heinous or repeated that they are determined to be a continual, “standing threat” to the community, we can expect in some cases there be some kind of serious force, possibly even lethal, used against the aggression — whether it would be “ad hoc” or institutionalized is hard to predict, but in any case we can imagine this problem to be relatively rare.

***

See also KOL338 | Human Action Podcast Ep. 308 with Jeff Deist: Rothbard on Punishment, Property, and Contract:

00:21:49

And so if you stop conflict, you have to presume that the possessor of something is the rightful possessor and is therefore the owner.  So if you physically oust someone, you’re acting like with self-help like a vigilante.  Even if you’re the owner, you should go through the right processes so that people know that what you’re doing is reliable and you’re not being biased in your case and all kind of things like that.

00:33:36

And ultimately I do think that should be – my personal view is that while there is a right to retaliate with force especially in defense but even after the fact and that is the theoretical grounding of all rights.  I do think that in a civilized world, institutionalized punishment would be very rare, and incarceration would be very rare because it’s just so expensive, and it’s risky.  And I do think the burden of proof should be high for that, and it would be hard to solve.  And if you accidentally punished an innocent person, then you’re committing a crime yourself, or at least a lot of damages.

00:34:13

So you’d have to get insurance.  That would be expensive, and you’ve already been victimized by the crime.  Why would you want to pay twice for a risky liability?  So I think that restitution would tend to be the primary mode of implementing our rights combined with – in a few rare cases, combined with lethal self-defense, which everyone would accept, ostracism, or just expelling someone from the community or vigilante justice, just killing someone if they have to be killed, 4 and everyone just sort of lets it go, or an occasional execution of someone that’s just so heinous that there’s nothing else you can do with them.

And KOL345 | Kinsella’s Libertarian “Constitution” or: State Constitutions vs. the Libertarian Private Law Code (PorcFest 2021):

M: What about on the other side?  Is there any scenario where you have to show you’ve encountered economic harm or some other harm?

00:48:42

STEPHAN KINSELLA: So I think what would happen in – if you want justice, you have to count on the support of your community because – unless you want to self-help every timeIf you pull your gun out and you blast the kid, people are going to regard you as a murderer, and you’re going to be outcast or punished or killed by the parents of the kid.  So if you want help getting justice done, you have to be reasonable because, at a certain point, people are going to wipe their hands of you.

00:49:07

They might not deny that you have a right to charge someone with trespass for stepping on your lawn, but they’re not going to become jurors to help you out.  The insurance company that you hire to give you insurance might raise your rates because you’re a troublemaker. I could see de minimis requirements like people say, listen if there’s literally no damage, go away.  This is not what the legal system is for.  It’s for serious issues that we – because the whole purpose of the legal system is to avoid disputes and avoid conflict.  If it’s such a minor thing, there’s really no conflict to avoid.  It’s already done.  You didn’t suffer any damage.

Update: As mentioned in “Compensation Ratio” Restitution vs. Block’s “Two Teeth for a Tooth”,

    • Matthew, “If C (criminal) damages V (victim), the restitution to be paid is the exact amount such that if V could rewind time and choose whether to relive being victimized and repaid, or to instead bypass that fate, then it would be an ambiguous decision for V because the two destinies would be equally advantageous. Any less repayment would not make V whole, and any more would qualify as revenge rather than justice. How to calculate said amount is another matter.”I agree with you to some extent in your criticism of restitution. This is discussed here on the forum: esp. my comments: herehereherehere.
  • I paste here those comments (which are from this forum):
  •  nskinsella:
    It either makes someone whole, restores them, or it doesn’t. It doesn’t, since it’s not possible. If it doesn’t do this, I’m not sure what it is.
  • You’re continuing to insist on your false utopian conception of restitution. I don’t accept it. It seems to be a sticking point for you in defending your theory and criticizig mine.
  •  nskinsella:
    IN any event, it’s not primary, as I explain below.
  • You mean your estoppel theory that I already objected to and you haven’t defended? I don’t agree that an arbitrary right to punishment from which all of justice flows is primary. You can’t deduce all of libertarian justice from such an alleged right.
  •  nskinsella:
    if it’s not based on some coherent standard like the right to proportional punishmet, it’s purely arbitrary and has little to do with justice, IMO.
  • This supposed standard of yours is no more coherent, no less arbitrary, than any restitution standard. It just adds an extra level of complexity, and yes, even a level of arbitrariness. You have no basis for what counts as a proportional punishment that is more coherent, less arbitrary, than any restitution standard. As you know, from previous debates on this subject, simply using the criminal act of the aggressor as the basis does not work.  The same thing applied in retaliation to the aggressor will not necessarily cause equivalent harm, suffering, costs, etc. And at any rate, this raises the question of whether such retributive punishment is justified in the first place. But this aside, you then have the problem of translating this extra step that isn’t present in restitution theories into a monetary settlement that is not arbitrary. Your supposed solution to effect this transmogrification is the bargaining negotiation (which you’ve admitted doesn’t even have to actually take place; it can merely be hypothetical (sounds a bit like social contract theory’s implicit/hypothetical consent by a “reasonable” man)). So your supposedly non-arbitrary standard is simply the whim of the victim (or of the jurors/judge) and what he can extract from the criminal with the threat of some (at least somewhat) arbitrary retributive punishment hanging over his head. Contrast this with the standards of a restitution theory (see below).
  •  nskinsella:
    In proportional punishment, if we are punishing a minor crime, we know that capital punishment is too severe. So there are limits, that constrain where we place the line in the gray zone.
  • This is true, but you have to admit that there is no exact standard for hitting upon the right or perfectly proportional and appropriate punishment. People are different. Given things are going to affect them differently. Assuming punishment is seen as legitimate, you can expect individuals, judges, juries, particularly through the evolution of legal precedent over time, to tend to settle on general ranges that are perceived to be acceptable for given crimes. This is no more precise than settling on monetary settlements. See? But you’ve added the extra steps of determining a proportional punishment and translating that into a monetary settlement, with all the complications that go along with that, including the problem of having an unequal coercive bargaining situation biasing the outcome. Why should just monetary settlements be based on such a bargaining situation?
  •  nskinsella:
    for mundane theft of a homogenous owned object, it might
  • Well, at least you admit that your arguments don’t work against crimes involving economic goods. That gives up quite a lot of ground right there. But as I pointed out above, you’ve already given up the game by admitting (if unintentionally) that hitting upon a precisely proportional and appropriate punishmeent is not an exact (apriori) science.
  •  nskinsella:
    I think the standard is: however much money the victim can–or could, if punishment is not literally permitted–bargain away with *this aggresor* his right to punish.
  • Why? This strikes me as very arbitrary, arguably more so in the hypothetical scenario than in the actual scenario since you have an individual or group of individuals simply imagining what could be extracted from the criminal under threat of punishment (what the criminal would be willing to give up that at least meets the minimum the victim would be willing to accept, all within the bounds of some non-exact proportionality standard).
  •  nskinsella:
    We are left with the rihgt to proportionally retaliate as the appropriate way to gauge how much money damages to award. Since you reject this, and since the other possible standards are inappropriate–“making the victim whole” or “what you would have agreed to before the crime”–you are left with literally *no standards*, Geofff
  • You didn’t try very hard to articulate any others and refute them. Note that both your alternatives are straw men. Convenient.
  •  nskinsella:
    so unless you can articulate one, instead of just punting it to the courts as if their arbitrary, standardless decisions amount to justice–then you are off base in thinking restitution can be primary.
  • Oh, come now. For a libertarian who favors a competitive, free market legal system, you display an unnusual lack of confidence in private courts. Must your Libertarian Law Code be handed down from on high by someone who has deduced it entirely from apodictic axioms? But wait, you’ve aleady as much as admitted that this cannot be the case even with proportional punishment. You’ll need to rely upon the arbitrary, standardless decisions of the courts to determine what the victim and aggressor would agree upon in a hypothetical, unequal, coercive bargaining scenario. This is no real, objective standard. In fact, it’s more problematic than alternatives. What you’ll probably end up with in practice is just a mix of decisions based on arbitrary criteria and standard restitution criteria.
  • Also, I never claimed that restitution is primary. I’ve pointed this out before, elsewhere.
  •  nskinsella:
    the right to punish, which must logically therefore be primary.
  • But nor is the right to punish primary.
  •  nskinsella:

     

     

     

    Sure, some things are hard to put a monetary reward to, like a person’s life. But your retribution standard suffers from the same difficulties and adds more, even violates the legal principle that someone should not judge his own case.

     

     

    I completely disagree, for the reasons given above, and as adumbrated at length in my JLS Estoppel piece.

     

  • In this very post you’ve as much as admitted that your retribution standard suffers from the same difficulties. See above where I’ve pointed this out. And in  the case of an actual bargaining scenario, you are to a significant degree making the victim the judge in his own case.
  •  nskinsella:
    It’s not tendentious, it’s sincerely my view, since I don’t think idealized, real restitution is possible.
  • Well, it’s sincerely my view that your conception of restitution is unrealistic and therefore not real. Of course, it’s impossible. It realies upon a stubbornly literal and simultaneously idealized interpretation of the various definitions of the term, interpretations that violate common sense and common uses of metaphor. You refuse to acknoledge my dissent from your conception and persist in basing much of your defense of your position and criticism of mine on your conception. Where can we go from here?
  •  nskinsella:
    There is NO “reward” to the victim of murder, Geoff. There is no real restitution possible.
  • Sure, there is tragedy in life, even great tregedy. But there is no “reward” for the victim of murder in the form of punishment of the criminal either. The victim is dead, he gets nothing at all out of it. Your theory solves nothing in this regard. To bemoan these facts and criticize a theory of justice for not overcoming reality is similar to socialists bemoaning the fact that people have to produce, save and invest in order to survive and flourish and criticizing capitalism for not immediately overcoming these “flaws” and eliminating poverty and satisfying all wants.
  •  nskinsella:
    And you are wrong to think that there are no boundaries on proportional punishment. There are. Given the constraint that it’s legitimate to punish an aggressor in a manner proportionate to his aggression, reasonable people can identify upper and lower boundaries, and work to draw a line between them. There are standards and bondaries.
  • First of all, I never claimed (or did not mean to claim) that there are NO boundaries on proportional punishment. Sure, what you say here is correct; as I pointed out above, you admitted as much earlier in your post. But notice that what you have here is no apriori or exact standard. It’s vague, general, dependent upon the development of legal precedent based upon countless decisions by judges and juries and the communities at large for what specification is possible in the real world. This is no better, is arguably worse, than the standard criteria arrived at and used for restitution.
  •  nskinsella:
    But there are NONE for your floating abstraction of “restitution” unanchored to any standard whatsoever.
  • This is complete and utter nonsense. I am truly surprised someone trained in law and familiar with legal history, including the history with which libertarians tend to be familiar and mainstreamers ignorant, would make such an absurd claim. You’ve admitted there are acceptable standards at least for economic goods. We can refer to prevailing market prices for stolen, damaged and lost property. But we can go beyond this. We can refer to past and recent earned incomes of victims as well as reasonable expectations for future or lost income had the crime not occured. We can determine to a reasonable approximation how much someone values their lost time. We can reference the prices that people tend to place on goods and services related to accidental dismemberment and death, such as in the form of insurance premiums and payments. These are not perfect analogs, sure. And sure nothing can restore a life, lost time or (at least for now) a lost limb as good as new. Nothing can completely undo the crime as if it had not really occured. To a large extent this is simply railing against reality for not fitting your utopian conception of justice, however. Why not have a conception of justice that fits what is possible in the real world? Some compensation can be acquired, and yes upper and lower limits on monetary settlements can be discovered that are no more arbitrary than your upper and lower limits on proportional punishment. And this can be done without recourse to your arbitrary standard and extra steps in the form of a bargaining negotiation based on a supposed right to punish.
  • As you note in another post, even in a legal system that does not endorse retributive punishment there may at times be instances of ad hoc retributive punishment being carried out. This would by definition be illegal within that context, taking place outside the legal system and in violation of the law. A society could choose to passively condone this isolated behavior by not taking legal action or it could take legal action. That such illegal actions can be forgiven in some circumstances does not in and of itself justify them. That this can occur does not mean retributive punishment should be enshrined formally in a legal system. It most certainly does not mean or imply that realistic restitution is arbitrary.
  •  nskinsella:
    I have explained this in detail in the articles linked. It is simply because if the aggressor uses the victim’s body as a means, if he invades the borders of th victim’s body, if he uses the victim’s body or property despite the victim’s objection, he is endorsing the rule that doing this is permissible; and it is thus inconsistent of him to rely on an incompatible rule, which he must do, if he himself objects to being punished. In short, he is estopped from complaining.
  • But this is (1) false and (2) inadequate for your purposes as I have argued in this thread and elsewhere.
  • 1) It does not follow from the fact that someone endorses aggression for a given circumstance that he necessarily endorses by that very action aggression in any and all circumstances or the circumstances of the victims choosing. If he’s got a democratic majoritarian theory of justice, then that implies the endorsement of aggression under a certain set of circumstances but not in others, thus allowing the aggressor to complain coherently if wrongly under the latter set of circumstances. Sure, we don’t think such a theory is valid, but estoppel itself does not show this. You’ll no doubt say that AE does show this, but as you know I disagree. At any rate, estoppel is much more limited in what it can establish than is usually let on.
  • 2) It doesn’t matter if he can’t coherently complain. This doesn’t justify, in and of itself, the victim punishing him. You are in essence basing all the criteria of justice on facts about the moral recipient (that he can’t coherently complain because of his actions) rather than the moral agent (what virtue requires of him). What a moral agent is justified in doing cannot be derived solely from what others do. Sadistic child abuse and killing does not by itself justify the same or equivalent in return. Being the victim of atavistic barbarism justifies doing what is necessary to end the rights-violation, but it does not by itself justify descending into atavistic barbarism as well in return. Yours is a theory of anything goes, no matter how sadistic or depraved, so long as it is within some in-exact approximation of proportion to what the other guy did first: hey, if our opponents act like inhuman monsters then we are justified in doing so as well, for no other reason than that they did so first. I don’t buy this moral-legal arbitrariness at all. The obligation to respect rights can only ultimately be grounded in the requirements of virtue (which of course take into account the actions of others but are not based solely on them). A right is a legitimately enforceable moral claim against a prior obligation not to threaten or use initiatory physical force. It can very well be a vice, even a legitimately prohibited one (as the vices involved in theft and murder are so prohibited), for me to do something to you about which you cannot coherently complain. A theory of virtue ethics and natural rights blocks estoppel without even having to deny it.
  • Yours in liberty,
    Geoffrey Allan Plauché, Ph.D.
    Adjunct Instructor, Buena Vista University
    Webmaster / Articles Editor, LibertarianStandard.com
    Founder / Executive Editor, Prometheusreview.com
  • ***
  •  

     nskinsella:

     

    First, my argument is not limited to restitution. In fact, I think restitution is largely a chimera. It is not possible to make the victim of rape or murder “whole.”

     

     

    Kinsella, your notion of “restitution” is unrealistic/utopian magical nonsense. A realistic conception of “restitution” does not make this mistake that all crimes can be undone completely as if they had never happened. You set up a straw man.

     

     nskinsella:
    I believe retribution is primary.

     

    Why?

    ***

    wilderness replied on Thu, May 21 2009 4:48 PM

     

     Geoffrey Allan Plauche:

     

     

     wilderness:

     

    Yeah, without retribution this is as far as I could get in my own thinking.  It would be a frightening world:

     

     

     wilderness:

     

    Now say this criminal lives next door.  I would not want to live next to somebody or deal with somebody that murdered and tends to become an animal.   They are in plain sight.  So if they don’t leave, then I might have too or else the property line might turn into the North-South Korea border region.  I wouldn’t sleep well otherwise.  So if they force me to move cause I know they killed somebody, but nothing can be done about it cause it’s no longer a self-defense situation makes living uneasy there anymore so yes, I would move and feel that person forced me to move due to the threat I see.

     

     

     

     

    I think you’re conflating retributive punishment with restraint. The purpose of retributive punishment is vengeance, to inflict harm and suffering on the criminal. What you’re looking for above is a justification for restraining a standing threat, such as by means of ostracism.

     

     

    So ostracism, as Giles said – eviction from the community.  I see the difference now between retribution and restraining a threat.  I was wondering how far retribution could go without actually killing the person, but since they are still alive I still find them a threat in the community.  Eviction would take care of this, but wouldn’t this be considered off-loading a criminal onto potential other communities?  Is this simple a consideration of potential at this point?  Cause I understand the argument against potential is anything is potential so it’s not really an argument, but we do know this particular person in question is a criminal so not really a potential anymore.

    wombatron, that article you linked me, does it discuss this?

  • ***
  • nskinsella replied on Thu, May 21 2009 4:49 PM

  •  Geoffrey Allan Plauche:

     

     

     nskinsella:

     

    First, my argument is not limited to restitution. In fact, I think restitution is largely a chimera. It is not possible to make the victim of rape or murder “whole.”

     

     

    Kinsella, your notion of “restitution” is unrealistic/utopian magical nonsense. A realistic conception of “restitution” does not make this mistake that all crimes can be undone completely as if they had never happened. You set up a straw man.

     

  • Restitution is quite commonly held up as the ideal, and is stated to be “making the victim whole” or “putting him in the position that he was before the crime.” I agree that it is unrealistic and utopian. In fact, it is impossible, since crimes cannot be undone.
  • If you can give a coherent, realistic, justifiable explanation of what restitution short of this is, please share it. But as it is, restitution is just sum of money paid to the victim or his estate. If the sum of money were sufficient to make him whole, I’d agree this would be just. But as it cannot, then the award of money is utterly arbitrary and without any standards whatsoever. There are simply no boundaries to it. It’s just “some amount of money”. Fine; but why call this “restitution” then; and why assume that “paying some sum of money” is all that the victim is entitled to?
  •  

     

     nskinsella:
    I believe retribution is primary.

     

    Why?

     

     

  • I have explained this in detail in the articles linked. It is simply because if the aggressor uses the victim’s body as a means, if he invades the borders of th victim’s body, if he uses the victim’s body or property despite the victim’s objection, he is endorsing the rule that doing this is permissible; and it is thus inconsistent of him to rely on an incompatible rule, which he must do, if he himself objects to being punished. In short, he is estopped from complaining. Because he is estopped from objecting, the victim may proceed since he is not getting any objection–the inabiltiy of the aggressor to coherently object is what satisfies the victim and the relevant civilized, justification-seeking community that the victim’s use of responsive force based on the same maxim that the aggressor himself has promulgated, is justified.
  • It really does not matter if it does not satisfy the aggressor, or the rest of the uncivilized outlaws–or if it does not satisfy you. It is the victim who seeks to act, and it is the civilized community to whom he seeks to demonstrate that his actions are indeed not aggression but warranted. It is my view that reflecting on the aspects of the aggressor-victim relationship as noted above will as a matter of fact satisfy justice-seeking libertarians, and that is all that one can ask of any theory–they cannot be self-enforcing, after all, and failure to persuade someone is not an indicia of falsity.
  • Stephan Kinsella [email protected] www.StephanKinsella.com
  • ***
  • Brainpolice replied on Fri, May 22 2009 9:04 AM

     

    1) It does not follow from the fact that someone endorses aggression for a given circumstance that he necessarily endorses by that very action aggression in any and all circumstances or the circumstances of the victims choosing. If he’s got a democratic majoritarian theory of justice, then that implies the endorsement of aggression under a certain set of circumstances but not in others, thus allowing the aggressor to complain coherently if wrongly under the latter set of circumstances. Sure, we don’t think such a theory is valid, but estoppel itself does not show this. You’ll no doubt say that AE does show this, but as you know I disagree. At any rate, estoppel is much more limited in what it can establish than is usually let on.

     

    In fact, such a line of argument is little more than a rhetoric trick. It purposefully ignores any argument I may present and ends up being a nice driveby “I win” sort of thing. “You did bad thing X, therefore you cannot have a rational argument against anyone in the world doing bad thing X to you”. This quickly devolves into a sea of hypocrisy and regress. Apparently we don’t even have to provide a positive case for using violence on people as “punishment”, we can simply make a sophisticated “he did it” argument. But the fact that “he did it” is not really relevant to whether or not it is justified for you to do it in turn. The effect of this argument is actually to avoid having to rationally justify punishment by merely shifting all burden of proof to the punished and then trying to claim that the punished cannot even meet such a burden of proof because “they did it”.

    I have no problem calling this argument sophistry – for it takes the form of a carte blanch justification in the absence of an actual justification by ruling out the possibility of rationally argueing with the would-be-justifier in the first place. The justification is simply presupposed as if it was “self-evident” – which means that no formal justification as actually given. The appeal to the offender thus becomes a distraction from the fact that the proponent of punishment has not provided a justification for punishment. These purely “negative proofs” of the Hoppean form aren’t really proofs at all, they take the form of drive-by argument winners. But when one thinks deeply about it, it isn’t even a legitimate argument. It constitutes “proof by ruling out the possibility of you argueing against me in the first place, so I can ignore your arguments completely and just declare that you implicitly justify my position”. Hence, the wielder of such arguments doesn’t even have to really prove anything.

    Their correctness is presupposed!

     

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    nskinsella replied on Fri, May 22 2009 9:47 AM

     

     Geoffrey Allan Plauche:

     

     

     nskinsella:
    It either makes someone whole, restores them, or it doesn’t. It doesn’t, since it’s not possible. If it doesn’t do this, I’m not sure what it is.

     

    You’re continuing to insist on your false utopian conception of restitution. I don’t accept it. It seems to be a sticking point for you in defending your theory and criticizig mine.

     

     nskinsella:
    IN any event, it’s not primary, as I explain below.

     

    You mean your estoppel theory that I already objected to and you haven’t defended? I don’t agree that an arbitrary right to punishment from which all of justice flows is primary. You can’t deduce all of libertarian justice from such an alleged right.

     

     nskinsella:
    if it’s not based on some coherent standard like the right to proportional punishmet, it’s purely arbitrary and has little to do with justice, IMO.

     

    This supposed standard of yours is no more coherent, no less arbitrary, than any restitution standard. It just adds an extra level of complexity, and yes, even a level of arbitrariness. You have no basis for what counts as a proportional punishment that is more coherent, less arbitrary, than any restitution standard. As you know, from previous debates on this subject, simply using the criminal act of the aggressor as the basis does not work.  The same thing applied in retaliation to the aggressor will not necessarily cause equivalent harm, suffering, costs, etc. And at any rate, this raises the question of whether such retributive punishment is justified in the first place. But this aside, you then have the problem of translating this extra step that isn’t present in restitution theories into a monetary settlement that is not arbitrary. Your supposed solution to effect this transmogrification is the bargaining negotiation (which you’ve admitted doesn’t even have to actually take place; it can merely be hypothetical (sounds a bit like social contract theory’s implicit/hypothetical consent by a “reasonable” man)). So your supposedly non-arbitrary standard is simply the whim of the victim (or of the jurors/judge) and what he can extract from the criminal with the threat of some (at least somewhat) arbitrary retributive punishment hanging over his head. Contrast this with the standards of a restitution theory (see below).

     

     nskinsella:
    In proportional punishment, if we are punishing a minor crime, we know that capital punishment is too severe. So there are limits, that constrain where we place the line in the gray zone.

     

    This is true, but you have to admit that there is no exact standard for hitting upon the right or perfectly proportional and appropriate punishment. People are different. Given things are going to affect them differently. Assuming punishment is seen as legitimate, you can expect individuals, judges, juries, particularly through the evolution of legal precedent over time, to tend to settle on general ranges that are perceived to be acceptable for given crimes. This is no more precise than settling on monetary settlements. See? But you’ve added the extra steps of determining a proportional punishment and translating that into a monetary settlement, with all the complications that go along with that, including the problem of having an unequal coercive bargaining situation biasing the outcome. Why should just monetary settlements be based on such a bargaining situation?

     

     

    This is all nonsense. The notion of proportionate punishment is ancient and people do have a good idea of what it means. Maybe it boggles your mind, but in a free society you pick a libertarian jury and they will converge on a reasonable solution.

    You have a different approach to me. Mine is very simple (as any approach to rights has to be, since rights have to be intuitive and easy to understand, otherwise they could not be rationally accepted by the bulk of society, which they must be to serve as practical guides to conflict-avoiding action). It simply asks: what am I entitled to do, if someone attacks me? And the answer, in abstract, is: you are entitled to do to the aggressor, “what he did to you”. Fleshing this out is the task of the justice system.

    In my articles on this I have emphasized over and over that the libertarian always keeps his eye on the victim; that is who we favor and who we want to protect and defend. The victim has already been harmed by aggression; any legal rules we endorse as just must not aggravate him or penalize him further for being a victim.

    Therefore, in my Punishment and Proportionality: The Estoppel Approach, for example (see section IV.C, “The Burden of Proof”), I argue that while the plaintiff-victim in court may have the burden of proof, once he proves that aggression did occur, then the burden of argumentation and theorizing itself switches to the defendant. As I wrote:

    We have established so far a prima facie case for the right to proportionately punish an aggressor in response to acts of violence, actions which invade the borders of others’ bodies or legitimately acquired property.  Once this burden is carried, however, it is just to place the burden of proof on the aggressor to show why a proposed punishment of him is disproportionate or otherwise unjustified.  The justice of this point is again implied by the logic of estoppel.  The aggressor was not put in the position of justifying how much force he could use against the victim before he used such force; similarly, the victim should not be put in the position of justifying how much force is the appropriate level of retaliatory force to use against the aggressor before retaliating.

    As pointed out above, because it is the aggressor who has put the victim into a situation where the victim has a limited variety and range of remedies, the aggressor is estopped from complaining if the victim uses a type of force against the aggressor that is different from the aggressor’s use of force.  The burden of proof and argument is therefore on the aggressor to show why any proposed, creative punishment is not justified by the aggressor’s aggression.  Otherwise an additional burden is being placed on the victim, in addition to the harm already done him.  If the victim wants to avoid shouldering this additional burden, the aggressor is estopped from objecting because it was the aggressor who placed the victim in the position of having the burden in the first place.  If there is a gray area, the aggressor ought not be allowed to throw his hands up in mock perplexity and escape liability; rather, the line ought to come down on the side of the gray that most favors the victim, unless the aggressor can further narrow the gray area with convincing theories and arguments, for the aggressor is the one who brings the gray into existence.

    Similarly with the issue of proportionality itself.  Although proportionality or reciprocity is a requirement in general, if a prima facie case for punishment can be established (as it can be whenever force is initiated), the burden of proof lies with the aggressor to demonstrate that any proposed use of force, even including execution, mutilation, or enslavement, exceeds bounds of proportionality.  As mentioned above, in practice there are several clear areas:  murder justifies execution; minor, non-armed, non-violent theft does not.  Exceeding known appropriate levels of retaliation makes the retaliator an aggressor to the extent of the excess amount of force used.  But there are indeed gray areas in which it is difficult, if not impossible, to precisely delimit the exact amount of maximum permissible punishment.  However, this uncertain situation, this grayness, is caused by the aggressor.  The victim is placed in a quandary, and might underpunish, or underutilize his right to punish, if he has to justify how much force he can use.  Or he might have to expend extra resources in terms of time or money (e.g. to hire a philosopher or lawyer to figure out exactly how much punishment is warranted), which would impermissibly increase the total harm done to the victim.

    It is indeed difficult to determine the bounds of proportionality in many cases.  But we do know one thing:  force has been initiated against the victim, and thus force, in general, may be used against the victimizer.  Other than for easy or established cases, any ambiguity or doubt must be resolved in favor of the victim, unless the aggressor bears his burden of argument to explain why the proposed punishment exceeds his own initial aggression.49

    … We know that it is permissible to employ violence against an aggressor. How much? Let the aggressor bear the burden of figuring this out.

    49 Many crimes would have established or generally accepted levels or at least ranges of permissible punishment, for example as worked out by a private justice system of a free society, and/or by specialists writing treatises on the subject, and the like. … No doubt litigants in court or equivalent forum, especially the defendant, would hire lawyers to present the best arguments possible in favor of punishment and its permissible bounds. In a society that respected the general libertarian theory of rights and punishment developed herein, one could even expect lawyers to specialize in arguing whether a defendant is estopped from asserting a particular defense, whether a given defense is universalizable or particularizable, when the burden of proof for each side has been satisfied, and the like.

    With regard to the concept of making a prima facie case and switching the burden of proof from the plaintiff to the defendant, Richard Epstein has set forth a promising theory of pleadings and presumptions, whereby one party who wishes to upset the initial balance must establish a prima facie case, which may be countered by a defense, which may be met with a second round of prima facie arguments, etc.

     

     

     

     nskinsella:
    for mundane theft of a homogenous owned object, it might

     

    Well, at least you admit that your arguments don’t work against crimes involving economic goods. That gives up quite a lot of ground right there. But as I pointed out above, you’ve already given up the game by admitting (if unintentionally) that hitting upon a precisely proportional and appropriate punishmeent is not an exact (apriori) science.

     

     

    I have given up nothign. It is not as if I have granted that we have to restrict the victim’s options to restitution “where it can be defined.” No. The victim has a general right to “do things to the aggressor,” as noted above. In fact, in keeping with my focus on the victim, I explicitly have argued that the victim ought to be able to choose within a range of options. As I wrote (SEction IV.B, “The Victim’s Options”):

    A victim who has been shot in the arm by a robber and who has thus lost his arm is clearly entitled, if he wishes, to amputate the robber’s own arm. But this, of course, does not restore the victim’s arm; it does not make him whole. Perfect restitution is always an unreachable goal, for crimes cannot be undone.

    This is not to say that the right to punish is therefore useless, but we must recognize that the victim remains a victim even after retaliating against the wrongdoer. No punishment can undo the harm done. For this reason the victim should not be artificially or easily restricted in his range of punishment options, because this would be to further victimize him. The victim did not choose to be made a victim, did not choose to be placed in a situation where he has only one narrow punishment option (namely, eye-for-an-eye retaliation). On the contrary, the responsibility for this situation is entirely that of the aggressor, who by his action has damaged the victim. Because the aggressor has placed the victim in a no-win situation where being restricted to one narrow type of remedy may recompense the victim even less than other remedies, the aggressor is estopped from complaining if the victim chooses among varying types of punishment, subject to the proportionality requirement.

    In practice this means that, for example, the victim of assault and battery need not be restricted to only having the aggressor beaten (or even killed). The victim may abhor violence, and might choose to forego any punishment at all if his only option was to either beat or punish the aggressor. The victim may prefer, instead, to simply be compensated monetarily out of any (current or future) property of the wrongdoer. If the victim will gain more satisfaction from using force against the aggressor in a way different than the manner in which the aggressor violated the victim’s rights (e.g. taking property of an aggressor who has beat the victim), the aggressor is clearly estopped from complaining about this, as long as proportionality is satisfied.

    In cases where the aggression is theft of some homogenous object that may be replaced with money, then if the victim wants to do to the aggressor what the aggressor did to the victim, then the victim may “take from the aggressor” something having a value in that range. It is not hard ot imagein a libertarian legal system using the market value of stolen objects as a standard when it is available. That in no wise implies restitution is primary or there is no right to proportionately retaliate.

     

     

     

     nskinsella:
    I think the standard is: however much money the victim can–or could, if punishment is not literally permitted–bargain away with *this aggresor* his right to punish.

     

    Why? This strikes me as very arbitrary, arguably more so in the hypothetical scenario than in the actual scenario since you have an individual or group of individuals simply imagining what could be extracted from the criminal under threat of punishment (what the criminal would be willing to give up that at least meets the minimum the victim would be willing to accept, all within the bounds of some non-exact proportionality standard).

     

     

    I explained in detail in the article. In theory the victim has a right to proportionately retaliate. But this is costly for a variety of reasons pointed out by various writers, eg. Barnett, and I agree; therefore I believe that in practice a system would tend away from punishemnt and toward some kind of monetary award. As it evolves however and as it is rooted in the right to punish the monetary awards will have some realtion to this, naturally.

     

     

     

     nskinsella:
    so unless you can articulate one, instead of just punting it to the courts as if their arbitrary, standardless decisions amount to justice–then you are off base in thinking restitution can be primary.

     

    Oh, come now. For a libertarian who favors a competitive, free market legal system, you display an unnusual lack of confidence in private courts. Must your Libertarian Law Code be handed down from on high by someone who has deduced it entirely from apodictic axioms?

     

     

    Geoff we are talking about what the standards should be. You cannot even define your “restitutiN” without some standards the courts are supposed to apply. You can’t just wave your hands and punt it to the courts.

     

     

    Sure, some things are hard to put a monetary reward to, like a person’s life. But your retribution standard suffers from the same difficulties and adds more, even violates the legal principle that someone should not judge his own case.

     

     

    I never said people should be a judge in their own case or that a legal system would not tend to frown on self-help. What are you talking about?

    Retribution does not suffer the same difficulties as “valuing” a person’s life. In any event, you seem to keep assuming that IF you can obectively define “restitution” then that gives you the rihgt to deny the victim’s right to punish. It doesn’t. IT’s one of his options.

     

     

    In this very post you’ve as much as admitted that your retribution standard suffers from the same difficulties. See above where I’ve pointed this out. And in  the case of an actual bargaining scenario, you are to a significant degree making the victim the judge in his own case.

     

     

    Untrue; we are talking of the arguemnts presented to some kind of institutional justice system, to one’s peers and community.

     

    Sure, there is tragedy in life, even great tregedy. But there is no “reward” for the victim of murder in the form of punishment of the criminal either. The victim is dead, he gets nothing at all out of it. Your theory solves nothing in this regard.

     

    I agree. Nothing can undo injustice done. The only question is: when there is injustice, when someone is victimized, what is he entitled to do in response?  He is entitled to retaliate. This is true regardless of the undeniable fact that the retaliation will not undo the harm done.

    In some cases, the crime is such that most of hte harm can be undone (or so the victim subjectively views it)–e.g. if your car is stolen and lost, you might prefer to take $10k from the thief to replace your car, rather than exercise your right to beat the hell out of him. If htat is your preference–fine, go for it. If your child is murdered, or you are raped, you might prefer to execute the criminal than to get money from him.

     

     

     

     

     nskinsella:
    But there are NONE for your floating abstraction of “restitution” unanchored to any standard whatsoever.

     

    This is complete and utter nonsense. I am truly surprised someone trained in law and familiar with legal history, including the history with which libertarians tend to be familiar and mainstreamers ignorant, would make such an absurd claim. You’ve admitted there are acceptable standards at least for economic goods. We can refer to prevailing market prices for stolen, damaged and lost property. But we can go beyond this. We can refer to past and recent earned incomes of victims as well as reasonable expectations for future or lost income had the crime not occured. We can determine to a reasonable approximation how much someone values their lost time. We can reference the prices that people tend to place on goods and services related to accidental dismemberment and death, such as in the form of insurance premiums and payments. These are not perfect analogs, sure. And sure nothing can restore a life, lost time or (at least for now) a lost limb as good as new. Nothing can completely undo the crime as if it had not really occured. To a large extent this is simply railing against reality for not fitting your utopian conception of justice, however. Why not have a conception of justice that fits what is possible in the real world? Some compensation can be acquired, and yes upper and lower limits on monetary settlements can be discovered that are no more arbitrary than your upper and lower limits on proportional punishment. And this can be done without recourse to your arbitrary standard and extra steps in the form of a bargaining negotiation based on a supposed right to punish.

     

     

    Yes, Geoff, I’m aware of various positive law standards that have arisen in the past. Silly me, I thought we were talking about libertarian princples. Many of these rules of thumb would be adopted no doubt but none of this implies there is no right to proportionately retaliate nor that this is not the proper anchor of the subsidiary types of damage awards.

     

     

    A theory of virtue ethics and natural rights blocks estoppel without even having to deny it.

     

     

    Sounds like some kind of juvenile D&D move to me.

    Stephan Kinsella [email protected] www.StephanKinsella.com

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    nskinsella replied on Fri, May 22 2009 10:05 AM

     

     Brainpolice:

     

     

    1) It does not follow from the fact that someone endorses aggression for a given circumstance that he necessarily endorses by that very action aggression in any and all circumstances or the circumstances of the victims choosing. If he’s got a democratic majoritarian theory of justice, then that implies the endorsement of aggression under a certain set of circumstances but not in others, thus allowing the aggressor to complain coherently if wrongly under the latter set of circumstances. Sure, we don’t think such a theory is valid, but estoppel itself does not show this. You’ll no doubt say that AE does show this, but as you know I disagree. At any rate, estoppel is much more limited in what it can establish than is usually let on.

     

    In fact, such a line of argument is little more than a rhetoric trick. It purposefully ignores any argument I may present and ends up being a nice driveby “I win” sort of thing. “You did bad thing X, therefore you cannot have a rational argument against anyone in the world doing bad thing X to you”. This quickly devolves into a sea of hypocrisy and regress. Apparently we don’t even have to provide a positive case for using violence on people as “punishment”, we can simply make a sophisticated “he did it” argument. But the fact that “he did it” is not really relevant to whether or not it is justified for you to do it in turn. The effect of this argument is actually to avoid having to rationally justify punishment by merely shifting all burden of proof to the punished and then trying to claim that the punished cannot even meet such a burden of proof because “they did it”.

    I have no problem calling this argument sophistry – for it takes the form of a carte blanch justification in the absence of an actual justification by ruling out the possibility of rationally argueing with the would-be-justifier in the first place. The justification is simply presupposed as if it was “self-evident” – which means that no formal justification as actually given. The appeal to the offender thus becomes a distraction from the fact that the proponent of punishment has not provided a justification for punishment. These purely “negative proofs” of the Hoppean form aren’t really proofs at all, they take the form of drive-by argument winners. But when one thinks deeply about it, it isn’t even a legitimate argument. It constitutes “proof by ruling out the possibility of you argueing against me in the first place, so I can ignore your arguments completely and just declare that you implicitly justify my position”. Hence, the wielder of such arguments doesn’t even have to really prove anything.

    Their correctness is presupposed!

     

     

    I am continually mystified by fellow libertarians, who already (for some reason) believe in the objective superiority of libertarian ethics over competing ethics, reach with horror at a libertarian argument based … on the idea that libertarian ethics are indeed objectively superior to alternatives. Whatever.

    Oh, well, I guess there is an aversion on the part of some to “knock-down” arguments–to them, everything has to always be an on-going, open-ended “conversation”. (See Hoppe’s discussion of “knockdown” arguments in the Intro to Ethics of Liberty; also various comments in A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism re positivism, linked below.) Modernists are big skeptics/relativists, and have an aversion to any argument that even purports to “prove” something definitive.

    Stephan Kinsella [email protected] www.StephanKinsella.com

  1. Scotland: Damages Act, §4(3)(B): “The sums of damages are–– (a) such sum as will compensate for any loss of support which as a result of the act or omission is sustained, or is likely to be sustained, by the relative after the date of A’s death together with any reasonable expenses incurred by the relative in connection with A’s funeral, and (b)such sum, if any, as the court thinks just by way of compensation for all or any of the following–– (i) distress and anxiety endured by the relative in contemplation of the suffering of A before A’s death, (ii)grief and sorrow of the relative caused by A’s death, (iii)the loss of such non-patrimonial benefit as the relative might have been expected to derive from A’s society and guidance if A had not died.” Explanatory notes: “These damages are in addition to the damages that a victim is entitled to claim under the general principles of the common law of delict or under statute for solatium, that is damages for the pain and suffering that the victim endures as a result of the injuries, and for patrimonial loss that such a victim has suffered or is likely to suffer in the period up to the expected date of death.” South Africa: “a solatium is “[a]n award for non-financial deprivation, irrespective of what form it takes”. Outside the context of restitution, an award of a solatium is similarly defined as an award for sentimental damages that is “intended to neutralise the wounded feelings of the plaintiff of having to suffer a wrongful act.” Florence v Government of the Republic of South Africa [2014] ZACC 22, n.8; see also Shah and Others v Minister of Rural Development and Land Reform and Others (LCC93/2014) [2024] ZALCC 41 (6 December 2024), p.9: “Solatium is compensation awarded for injury to the feelings.” []
  2. India: SC Upholds Retrospective Application of 2019 Ruling on Solatium; Umamaheswari and Latha, “Doctrine of Eminent Domain in India,” International Journal of Pure and Applied Mathematics 120, no. 5 (2018): 1771–1780. []
  3. Update: someday need to mention Robert Heinlein’s story “Coventry.” []
  4. Re a reported exchange “many years ago between the Chief Justice of Texas and an Illinois lawyer visiting that state. ‘Why is it,’ the visiting lawyer asked, ‘that you routinely hang horse thieves in Texas but oftentimes let murderers go free?’ ‘Because,’ replied the Chief Justice, ‘there never was a horse that needed stealing!’” —People v. Skiles, 115 Ill.App. 816, 827, 450 N.E.2d 1212, 1220 (1983) (quoted here). []
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Libertarian Papers

From Mises blog. Archived comments below. Update: the journal concluded in 2018, after 10 years of issues.

***

To Authors, Readers, and Potential Libertarians:

A new libertarian journal–a new type of libertarian journal–is born today. Libertarian Papers is an exclusively online peer-reviewed journal. Its home is this elegant, fast, easy-to-use website. Please feel free to browse around.

Publishing online has allowed us to break free of many of the constraints faced by paper-based journals. Scholars working in the libertarian tradition will find dealing with us to be a refreshing change. For instance, we publish articles consecutively, online, as soon as they are peer-reviewed and a final copy is submitted. No waiting for the next issue or printing delays. We have also done away with arbitrary space limits. And we don’t care what citation style you use, as long as it is consistent, professional, and enables the reader to find the work referenced. Neither our time nor the author’s need be wasted converting from one citation style to another, or wondering whether “2nd. ed.” goes here or there, or whether it should be “2d. ed.” instead. In a digital age, old forms must give way to new forms.

And as our publications are online and open, you won’t find our authors furtively posting a scanned copy of their paper articles on their own sites, while their article is trapped in musty paper on a dark shelf–but if they want to, they are free to do so, since to the extent possible everything here is published under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License. Want to republish your piece in a book? No need to ask us for permission. We want to spread the ideas of liberty, not impose DRM on them.

And of course readers will love the ease of access. Subscription is by RSS feed, and free. Follow us on Twitter or Facebook, or other social media to come. And unlike other academic journals, we allow comments on our articles, via the blog posts announcing them. Libertarian Papers is completely free and open, because readers’ being willing to devote time to studying the ideas of liberty is payment enough for us. It is the profit we seek. And we think having readers who love to use our site and read our articles is what authors want, too.

A few words of thanks are in order. The assistance and support of Jeff Tucker of the Mises Institute, web designer Aristotle Esguerra, and Lew Rockwell and the Ludwig von Mises Institute have been invaluable in getting the website set up and the first non-issue out. Libertarian Papers is also proud to have an outstanding Editorial Board, with world-class scholars working in the libertarian tradition. Their help and commitment was also indispensable in helping this project come to fruition. And various loyal and devoted friends in the libertarian cadre, such as Gil GuilloryManuel Lora, and Anthony Gregory, helped in various ways behind the scenes. A hearty thanks to them all.

That brings us to our first issue–or non-issue, rather. We’re very proud of our first set of published articles–the seven articles that are being published today, immediately after this post is published (and then rolling them out about one hour apart, consecutively, throughout the day). These pieces include articles by two eminent libertarian thinkers, Jan Narveson (writing on Nozick, justice, and restitution) and Robert Higgs (on depressions and war). Also being published today is a previously unpublished memo from Ludwig von Mises to F.A. Hayek, relaying Mises’s concerns and advice about the then-nascent Mont Pèlerin Society, followed by a previously unpublished memo from Murray Rothbard to the Volker Fund, about libertarian tactics and strategy. The last three articles to be published today–about four hours from now–are a fascinating three-part exchange between Nicolás Maloberti and Joshua Katz about libertarianism, positive rights, and “Possibility of the Legitimate State.”

Several more articles are in the works. We expect to publish throughout the year–and beyond. Stay tuned.

Archived comments:

 

Comments (6)

  • Dennis
  • Mr. Kinsella,

    Will the “Journal of Libertarian Studies” still be published, or is “The Libertarian Papers” replacing it?

    Thanks.

  • Published: January 22, 2009 8:35 AM

  • jeffrey
  • The Libertarian Papers is the successor journal for new times. I’m super excited about what Stephan has done. It is an amazing case of intellectual entrepreneurship. I can tell you that he has been on fire for this idea and he saw it through from concept to implementation in an amazingly short period of time.

    We’ve faced a real dilemma with how to get out in front on the issues of scholarly publishing in the digital age. The old rules don’t work. We can see this all around us as print publications go belly up every day, and old-school hard copy journals lose all their subscribers and are folded into massive state-university library databases.

    We needed a journal that would immediately reach everyone who is interested–academics or non-academics. We needed something for maximum access that anticipated trends, not merely caught up to them.

    The JLS was a pioneering publication in its time, and we are now starting work on putting out complete volumes in hard copy, and I’m certain that they will sell well and continue to have influence. But for the future, Kinsella is really on to something here. There is energy to this and incredible clarity.

    The resources go to getting the information out there rather than all the waste that comes with old-world mailings and subscriptions.

    Meanwhile, the JLS will take on new life as a brilliant archive that will be circulated the world over.

    I can only offer my highest congratulations to Kinsella for his daring and innovative project.

  • Published: January 22, 2009 9:01 AM

  • Dna Mahoney
  • Speaking of the JLS, and QJAE, have there been any new issues since early last year? That seems to be the last time they were updated online.
  • Published: January 22, 2009 10:29 AM

  • Kathryn Muratore
  • I just want to correct this statement:

    And unlike other academic journals, we allow comments on our articles, via the blog posts announcing them.

    I know that PLoS, a science journal whose model is somewhat similar to Libertarian Papers and is certainly a leader in the open-source academic publishing world, has a comments section on articles (I’m not certain that they have this for all of their journals, but they definitely have it for PLoS ONE). Nonetheless, I suspect that Libertarian Papers is joining a very short list of journals that allow comments.

  • Published: January 22, 2009 1:18 PM

  • Stephan KinsellaAuthor Profile Page
  • We launched at 7:00 a.m. CST today. We’ve gotten tremendously positive comments and buzz already–see., e.g., . The site has been live just over 6 hours, and we have already had over 2000 visitors, and 5000 page views (which means visitors are looking around). Many of them coming to the site from announcements on LRC andMises.org, but also from announcements on Liberty & Power, The Independent Institute’s The Beacon, Ron Paul’s Campaign for LibertyLet Liberty Ring, and many others.

    We also have a growing number of followers so far on Twitter, and 40 people have joined our Facebook group already. And more articles are still to come, today!

  • Published: January 22, 2009 1:28 PM

  • Vanmind
  • Bookmarked, for sure.

    I’m curious about the content management strategy. I’ll bet I could help, considering I’m an AIIM-certified ECM Master (http://www.aiim.org/Education/ECM-Enterprise-Content-Management-Training-Courses.aspx). I don’t charge much, especially when it’s a good cause.

  • Published: January 22, 2009 5:34 PM

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Spider-Man, Criminal — or, the real death of Spider-Man

Congrats, Marvel. You’ve turned Spider-Man into a drooling statist product of goverment education. See the nauseating Early Look: Spider-Man Meets Obama; Comic stores donating Spider-Man/Obama profits to charity; Zeb Wells – Writing the Spider-Man/Obama Meeting; Advance Peek at Spiderman/Obama Comic; Spider-Man, Obama team-up comic sells out. The vapid writer intones, “‘I have a lot of respect for President Obama and how he ran his campaign,’ the writer said. ‘I like how he never shied away from who he was, and always answered tough questions about mistakes in his past with candor. He didn’t try to be everything to everyone, and that takes a lot of character … more character than I have. I like being able to say that about my President.'”

The comic strip nauseatingly shows Spider-Man doing a “fist-dap” with Obama, each telling the other, “Thanks … partner…” And in one of the panels, as Spider-Man observes the inaugural festivities, he thinks to himself, “It looks like Washington is in capable hands.”

[LRC blog cross-post]

From <a href=”http://www.lewrockwell.com/blog/lewrw/archives/24897.html”>LRC Blog</a>:
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Be of Good Cheer: Christmas Greetings from Sean Gabb

Sean Gabb, director of the UK’s Libertarian Alliance, has penned a quite interesting and eloquent Christmas Greeting, unlike others “from religious and political leaders from around the world,” which “range from the vacuous (Her Majesty the Queen), to the impressively malevolent, so long as the volume is turned down (the Bishop of Rome), to the plain stupid (the Archbishop of Canterbury).”

Gabb’s column is quite remarkable and full of subtle insights and sound, sober reasoning. He seems to be have the appropriate mixture of pessimism and optimism, and many of his suggestions mirrored or crystallized some thoughts I’ve had–on China and the relative prosperity of the West, and other matters.

I liked Gabb’s observations about the possibility and hope that technological progress can help to continue to drive the underlying engine of economic prosperity despite the state’s regulations and parasitism:

[continue reading…]

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Great Lecter Quote

From IMDB: Hannibal Lecter: “You know what you look like to me, with your good bag and your cheap shoes? You look like a rube. A well scrubbed, hustling rube with a little taste. Good nutrition’s given you some length of bone, but you’re not more than one generation from poor white trash, are you, Agent Starling? And that accent you’ve tried so desperately to shed: pure West Virginia. What is your father, dear? Is he a coal miner? Does he stink of the lamp? You know how quickly the boys found you… all those tedious sticky fumblings in the back seats of cars… while you could only dream of getting out… getting anywhere… getting all the way to the FBI.”

Phil Hendrie’s character Bobbie Dooley (or was it Margaret Gray?) used to use this quote against callers to hilarious effect.

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Update: see Corporate Personhood, Limited Liability, and Double Taxation

I’ve been involved lately in several debates about the referenced issues lately. Links to my own posts, other posts related to mine, and other related ones are linked below:

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