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Łukasz Dominiak, “Must Right-Libertarians Embrace Easements by Necessity?“, 34 Diametros 16 (2019), 60: 34–51.

Abstract:

The present paper investigates the question of whether right-libertarians must accept easements by necessity. Since easements by necessity limit the property rights of the owner of the servient tenement, they apparently conflict with the libertarian homestead principle, according to which the person who first mixes his labor with the unowned land acquires absolute ownership thereof. As we demonstrate in the paper, however, the homestead principle understood in such an absolutist way generates contradictions within the set of rights distributed on its basis. In order to avoid such contradictions, easements by necessity must be incorporated into the libertarian theory of property rights and the homestead principle must be truncated accordingly.

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Łukasz Dominiak, “Libertarianism and Original Appropriation”

Łukasz Dominiak, “Libertarianism and Original Appropriation,” Historia i Polityka, No. 22 (29)/2017, pp. 43–56.

Abstract:

The article is devoted to the problem of the structure of libertarian theory of justice. It tries to present a map of the main concepts and principles of this theory and to investigate its possible justifications. It explains such fundamental concepts as original appropriation, homesteading, labour theory of property or first possession theory of original appropriation. The article shows merits and drawbacks of alternative libertarian principles of justice in first acquisition and proposes a sketch of an original justification for the first possession theory of original appropriation.

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Ilia Schmelzer, “Against Absolute Certainty”

Just came across an interesting monograph by one Ilia Schmelzer, “Against Absolute Certainty” (2013; pdf). A self-professed “independent scientist,” he also appears to advocate an ether theory in physics and a realistic interpretation of quantum theory.

Abstract of his article:

I criticize Hoppe’s concept of argumentation ethics, which is used to give a “Letztbegründung” (final, incontestable proof) of libertarian ethics and Austrian economics, from the point of view of Popper’s critical rationalism.

I also evaluate various arguments against Popper in libertarian literature and find them misguided: They criticize only an empiricist straw version of Popper’s [critical] rationalism.

I argue that the libertarian theory – ethics as well as economy – have to be based on critical instead of classical rationalism.

He also criticizes my estoppel theory, although oddly, given that this paper was published in 2013, only cites my original 1992 Reason Papers article, 1 and not more recent elaborations. 2 See also “The Genesis of Estoppel: My Libertarian Rights Theory” and “Argumentation Ethics and Liberty: A Concise Guide“.

I haven’t read it all yet but it may be similar in some ways to Jan Lester’s Popperian, anti-justificationist, “conjecturalist” approach in  Escape from Leviathan: Liberty, Welfare and Anarchy Reconciled. 3

  1.   Kinsella, “Estoppel: A New Justification for Individual Rights,” Reason Papers No. 17 (Fall 1992), p. 61. []
  2. E.g., “Punishment and Proportionality: The Estoppel Approach,” 12:1 Journal of Libertarian Studies 51 (Spring 1996); “A Libertarian Theory of Punishment and Rights,” 30 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 607–45 (1997); “New Rationalist Directions in Libertarian Rights Theory,” Journal of Libertarian Studies 12:2 (Fall 1996) 313–26 [superseded by “Dialogical Arguments for Libertarian Rights,” in The Dialectics of Liberty (Lexington Books, 2019)]. []
  3. See my criticisms in Anarchist Libertarian Jan Lester’s Argument for Intellectual Property and “Aggression” versus “Harm” in Libertarianism. []
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Interesting article that Academia.edu alerted me to: Octavian-Dragomir Jora,  Gheorghe Hurduzeu, Mihaela Iacob & Georgiana-Camelia Crețan, “‘Dialectical Contradictions’ in the Neoclassical Theory and Policy Regarding Market Competition: The Consumer and His Continuous Burden of Crisis,” Amfiteatru Economic Journal, Vol. 19, no. 45 (2017), pp. 544–65 [ISSN 2247-9104, The Bucharest University of Economic Studies, Bucharest; pdf]. Fascinating when mainstream articles cite and adopt radical libertarian arguments. I guess there is some value to our publishing efforts after all.

To-wit:

It is also argued that both business people and companies “give up” the right to complete freedom when engaging in cartelization and the restriction of production because such behaviour violates the rights of potential consumers. We encounter here a great misunderstanding of rights: the producers have their property (as property owners or mandated managers) and possess all the rights associated with it, including the absolute right not to use their property at all; consumers have full rights over their property, including the absolute right to spend or not their own money. In the most common approach, freedom is the right of a person to dispose of his body (self-ownership), of what he firstly appropriated from nature through processing (homesteaded) or obtained voluntarily. And no other arrangement can be argued as being non-contradictory, for each act of argumentation involves mutual recognition of the selfownership along with the ownership of the other belongings of the participants, qua “teleological extension” of their persons, necessary to the full comfort of the dialogue (Hoppe, 1993; Kinsella, 1996).

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Magness on Hoppe; the Kochtopus and the Mises Caucus

Phil Magness, who has been solid on many libertarian matters (see e.g. his appearances on the Tom Woods show), started criticizing Hans-Hermann Hoppe a couple years ago and has recently ramped it up.

For example, back in 2019, Magness tried to link Hoppe’s views on immigration and race to his PhD adviser Habermas (see this 2019 Facebook post and his article Racial Determinism and Immigration in the Works of Ludwig von Mises). As I pointed out in the comments to the FB post, however, the critique was confused. More on this in the Appendix below.

Later, Magness started ramping up his accusations and insinuations, such as this tweet: [continue reading…]

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from Mark Maresca:

From the White-PillBox: Part 29. Achilles Heel edition 3

Anarchist influencers are finding ways to leverage the vulnerabilities of many of the State’s Achilles Heels.

This is the third in a sub-series of the White Pill essays examining some of the State’s vulnerabilities. This installment continues the discussion about the State’s weak spots presented in the previous two essays, and identifies some human White Pills – people in the anarchist space actively striking at some of these Achilles Heels 1. [continue reading…]

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“No Offense, Kinsella”

I have had a private freewheeling libertarian email discussion list for many years, and many private memes have emerged. I used to gaslight someone by adding “No offense, John” after a comment that I wanted to signal was an implicit insult or critique of their views. So now they all say “No offense, Kinsella” or “NOK” whenever they disagree with me or when they gather on occasion, since I used to criticize “artificial gatherings” instead of “organic”  (even though I attend many “artificial gatherings” a year, so now they’ll get together and say “artificial gathering alert, NOK” or something like that).

Here are some samples over the years: [continue reading…]

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Bitcoin Freedom Fund

[From my Webnote series]

Update: see Grok analysis. more below

see also Future of Freedom Fund, and Related Posts

From Twitter:

Perhaps we should combine the “Holdeen Trusts” idea with a pool of bitcoin with donations by liberty advocates, to build a HUGE monetary warchest to finance something, like tax-free government or a powerful libertarian advocacy group. Suppose we get libertarians to donate, say, $1M, or $10M, now to this project, and within 10 years it grows to $200M or even $2B. It could be a VERY powerful and well-funded libertarian advocacy group. Or it could generate huge annual revenue (say, $200M a year) to fund all the basic operations of a minimal government in a pretty sizeable region, which could become a radically free market haven or zone.

We could do it in stages: get a small amount invested first, say, $100k. Let that grow to a couple million in a year or two. Then take that money and hire all the right lawyers and accountants and set up a transparent trust that could then take in the $1M or $10M in donations over the next 2 years or so, which could then grow to $2B or more in the next 8. If we start this now, phase I now, Phase 2 in 2 years, and then reap the harvest in 10 years from now, we could be up and running in just a decade with a powerful engine for liberty. 

Instead of waiting 50 or 100 or 300 years as with the conventional Holdeen Trust concept, with the unique moment in history with Bitcoin, we could do it in a mere decade.

See also Top 100 Largest Sovereign Wealth Fund Rankings by Total Assets.

SEE SAYLOR AND AMMOUS on related idea:


***

Grok analysis:

Benjamin Franklin’s Idea and Its OutcomeBenjamin Franklin, in his will dated 1789 (codicil added in 1790), outlined an innovative philanthropic plan inspired by his belief in the power of compound interest to create long-term public benefits. He bequeathed £1,000 (approximately $4,400 at the time) each to the cities of Boston and Philadelphia. The funds were to be managed as follows:

  • The money was to be lent out at 5% interest to young married artisans (tradesmen) starting their businesses, with the goal of fostering economic self-reliance.
  • For the first 100 years (until 1890), the funds would accumulate through interest and repayments.
  • After 100 years, 75% of the accumulated principal could be used for public works: in Boston, for infrastructure like water systems; in Philadelphia, for similar civic improvements.
  • The remaining 25% would continue to accumulate for another 100 years (until 1990), after which the full amount would be distributed to the respective cities and states for public purposes.

Franklin’s rationale was rooted in Enlightenment optimism about progress and economics. He calculated that, with compound interest, the funds could grow exponentially—potentially to millions—benefiting society far into the future. He was influenced by his own experiences as a printer and inventor, emphasizing thrift and investment.What Happened:

  • Growth and Initial Success: The funds did grow significantly due to compounding. By 1890 (after 100 years), Boston’s fund had reached about $400,000, and Philadelphia’s about $173,000 (adjusted for inflation and management). Portions were used as planned: Boston funded the Franklin Trades School (now Franklin Institute of Boston), and Philadelphia supported the Franklin Institute for scientific education and public works.
  • Challenges and Legal Issues: Over time, the funds faced hurdles. Inflation eroded value, and the original lending model became outdated (fewer artisans needed loans in an industrialized economy). Legal challenges arose, including court battles over how to interpret Franklin’s intent in a modern context. For example, in the 1950s-1960s, Boston’s trustees sued to break the trust restrictions, arguing the original terms were impractical. Courts allowed modifications under the cy-près doctrine (which permits altering charitable trusts to fulfill the donor’s intent when literal compliance is impossible).
  • Final Outcome (by 1990): After 200 years, Boston’s fund had grown to about $5 million (far less than Franklin’s projected $20-30 million due to conservative investments and economic factors). It was used to establish the Benjamin Franklin Institute of Technology and scholarships. Philadelphia’s fund reached around $2 million and funded apprenticeships, scholarships, and the Franklin Institute’s programs. Both cities continue to benefit, but the funds are now managed as endowments rather than strict accumulations. The experiment demonstrated compounding’s power but highlighted practical limits like inflation, legal rigidity, and changing societal needs.

Franklin’s idea inspired later philanthropists, including Jonathan Holdeen, but also exposed vulnerabilities in long-term trusts to legal scrutiny and economic realities.The Holdeen Trusts and Why They FailedJonathan Holdeen, a New York lawyer and investor (1893-1967), was fascinated by Franklin’s model and sought to scale it up dramatically. Between 1944 and 1955, he created multiple irrevocable trusts (often called “cumulative endowments”) to accumulate income for extraordinarily long periods—typically 500 to 1,000 years—before distributing the principal to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for public purposes like education. Holdeen’s vision was utopian: he believed governments should replace taxation with massive endowments that grow through compounding, eventually funding all public expenses. He estimated that modest initial investments could grow to trillions or more, potentially making Pennsylvania (and humanity) immensely wealthy.Key features of the trusts (based on the provided court documents):

  • Structure: Holdeen placed modest sums (e.g., securities) into trusts administered in Pennsylvania. Trustees (often family members like his daughter Janet Adams and son Randal Holden) were to accumulate most income, paying only a tiny fraction (“expendable income”) annually to an immediate charitable beneficiary, the Unitarian Universalist Association (UUA), for religious and educational uses. The rest compounded until the trust’s end (e.g., 2444 AD for a 500-year trust), when the massive principal would go to Pennsylvania.
  • Example (Trust 45-10, 1945): One-fiftieth of income (multiplied by years elapsed since 1944) was “expendable” for the UUA; the rest accumulated for 500 years before payout to Pennsylvania.
  • Tax Motivations: Holdeen claimed deductions for charitable contributions, arguing the trusts were valid charities. He also merged some trusts (e.g., 44-10 into 45-10) to consolidate assets.
  • Scale: By the 1970s, accumulated income reached over $12 million across trusts. Holdeen created at least five such long-term trusts, plus others with family beneficiaries.

What Happened and Why They Failed:

  • Tax Disputes (1950s-1960s): The IRS challenged the trusts’ validity for tax purposes. In Holdeen v. Ratterree (1959 appellate case, provided), the Second Circuit ruled that Holdeen retained excessive control over some trusts (e.g., influencing investments as a “de facto trustee”), making their income taxable to him under IRC § 22(a) (treating him as substantial owner). However, for Trust 45-10, the court found insufficient control, so income wasn’t taxable to him. In the 1960 district court case (provided), the court upheld a merger of trusts but invalidated deductions for charitable contributions due to the “remoteness” of Pennsylvania’s benefit (500+ years away) and the scheme’s potential to concentrate wealth harmfully. Holdeen couldn’t deduct the gifts as charitable under IRC § 23(o)(1) or § 170(c)(1), as the long accumulations destroyed the “charitable nature” by being against public policy.
  • Invalidation by Pennsylvania Courts (1979): In the key 1979 Pennsylvania Supreme Court case (In re Trusts of Jonathan Holdeen, provided), the Orphans’ Court and Supreme Court declared the accumulation provisions invalid from inception. The trusts violated Pennsylvania’s rule against unreasonable accumulations (adopted from James Estate, 1964), which limits charitable trust accumulations to “reasonable” durations based on purpose and public policy. Accumulating for 500-1,000 years was deemed “unreasonable, charitably purposeless, and contrary to public policy” because:
    • It tied up capital unproductively for centuries, harming current generations.
    • The massive future sums (potentially “nine million billion billions”) could disrupt economies or governments.
    • Holdeen’s scheme aimed to “jeopardize but not extinguish” taxation, seen as subversive.
  • Outcome: Accumulated income was distributed immediately to the UUA (per Holdeen’s fallback clause for “income not lawfully subject to accumulation”). Pennsylvania got nothing. Trustees appealed but lacked standing (their interest was merely in perpetuating the trusts, not a substantive right). Holdeen’s will (1967) echoed this vision, but his overall plan collapsed due to judicial intervention.

Reasons for Failure:

  • Excessive Control: Holdeen’s de facto influence (e.g., directing investments) made him taxable as owner in some cases.
  • Unreasonable Accumulations: Courts viewed ultra-long terms as against public policy, prioritizing current societal benefits over speculative future windfalls.
  • Tax Invalidity: Remoteness and contingencies (e.g., surviving 500+ years) negated charitable deductions; the IRS saw it as tax avoidance.
  • No Vesting: Interests didn’t vest timely, and the scheme clashed with equity principles favoring productive use of wealth.

The Legal Problem with Perpetuities, Loopholes, and a Modern Holdeen-Style TrustThe Legal Problem: Rule Against Perpetuities (RAP) and Accumulations

  • RAP Basics: This common-law rule (codified in many states) prevents “dead hand” control by requiring future interests in property to vest (become certain) no later than 21 years after a “life in being” at the trust’s creation. Violative trusts are void ab initio. It aims to prevent perpetual tying up of property, promoting alienability and economic circulation.
  • Accumulations Rule: Separate but related, this limits how long trust income can be accumulated (not distributed). In Pennsylvania (as in Holdeen’s case), accumulations must be “reasonable” for charitable trusts (Restatement (Second) of Trusts § 401); ultra-long periods are void as contrary to public policy (e.g., starving current needs for hypothetical future benefits).
  • Holdeen’s Issue: His trusts violated both—interests vested centuries later, and accumulations were unreasonable, leading to invalidation under public policy doctrines.

Loopholes in Some States:

  • Many U.S. states have reformed or abolished RAP via the Uniform Statutory Rule Against Perpetuities (USRAP) or outright repeal, creating “dynasty trust” or “perpetual trust” regimes. These allow trusts to last indefinitely if structured properly (e.g., as irrevocable, with spendthrift clauses). Reforms started in the 1980s-1990s to attract wealth management business, offering tax advantages (no state income tax on trusts) and asset protection.
  • Key loopholes: No time limit on vesting; accumulations allowed if not “unreasonable” (courts defer to donor intent in pro-trust states). Charitable trusts get extra leeway under cy-près if needed.

Modern Version of a Holdeen Trust That Could Survive Legal Challenge: A modern “Holdeen 2.0” could emulate Franklin/Holdeen by funding a long-term accumulation for public/liberty causes (e.g., inspired by the “Bitcoin Freedom Fund” or “Future of Freedom Fund” posts, using crypto for high-growth potential). To survive:

  • Structure:
    • Perpetual Dynasty or Charitable Trust: Make it a non-charitable dynasty trust (benefiting descendants or a foundation) or a charitable perpetual trust. Accumulate income indefinitely, paying minimal “expendable” amounts to a current charity (e.g., a liberty-focused org like the Mises Institute). At a distant trigger (e.g., 500+ years or a condition like “when Bitcoin reaches X value”), distribute to a government or public entity.
    • Fallback Clauses: Include Holdeen-style provisions: If accumulations are invalidated, divert to the current charity (avoids total failure).
    • Asset Choice: Use high-growth assets like Bitcoin (as in the posts), which could compound exponentially without traditional interest limits. The 2022 “Bitcoin Freedom Fund” post proposes a trust accumulating Bitcoin for 1,000 years to fund libertarian causes, echoing Holdeen.
    • Governing Law Clause: Specify a pro-trust state’s law to govern.
    • Tax Strategy: Qualify as charitable for deductions (IRC § 170), but avoid Holdeen’s control pitfalls—use independent trustees. For non-charitable, use grantor trust rules carefully.
    • Avoid Public Policy Challenges: Frame as beneficial (e.g., funding education/liberty), not subversive like Holdeen’s anti-tax goal. Limit to “perpetual” without fixed end-date to sidestep reasonableness tests.
  • Legal Survival Odds: In RAP-abolished states, perpetual duration is fine if no vesting issues (e.g., use powers of appointment). Accumulations are upheld if not wasteful. Courts could still strike under general equity if “unreasonable” (e.g., via cy-près), but these states are deferential. Test via declaratory judgment early.

Best State to Try It In:

  • South Dakota: Top choice. It abolished RAP in 1983 (S.D. Codified Laws § 43-5-8), allows perpetual trusts, has no state income/fiduciary tax, strong asset protection (e.g., against creditors), and a trust-friendly court system. It’s a hub for “dynasty trusts” (e.g., for families like the Waltons). No accumulations limit for charitable trusts, and it’s open to innovative assets like crypto. The state’s Trust Task Force actively promotes such structures, reducing challenge risks. Alternatives: Delaware (similar, but slight accumulations limits) or Alaska (pioneered reforms but higher fees). South Dakota edges out for low costs and flexibility.
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Arthur Sayecki Vanguard, “Theory of free trading markets for non-scarce goods and services and its application in electronic commerce of digital products,” Doctoral dissertation, University of Bolton (30 November 2019)

Abstract: The Author brings forth principles and theory of primary and secondary free trading markets for non-scarce goods and services operating on principles of supply, demand and price discovery, and postulates that such markets can exist and contribute to the advancement of society and the world economy. Advances in science and technology have enabled digital duplication and the distribution of electronic content, and opened new pathways of doing business, but have also enabled illicit activities in digital goods, namely digital theft and piracy. An extremely low cost of copying, in a trivially short amount of time, has made digital copies of creative works practically non-scarce, thus destroying the equilibrium of supply and demand. As the majority of digital goods are currently sold and distributed on the Internet through retail outlets, which dictate prices and restrict users through monopolistic terms of use agreements, the rights of creators supersede the rights of consumers. Existing copyright laws serve as a legal basis for such operation of the markets. There are no pre-existing, legally operating secondary trading markets for digital goods, and primary markets do not utilise competitive price discovery, as only the copyright owners are entitled to set arbitrary trading prices. There is no pre-existing scientific framework for the operation of free trading markets for non- scarce goods to serve as a model for establishing electronic trading exchanges, for digital goods in particular, and non-scarce goods in general. This thesis provides a theoretical framework of free trading markets for non-scarce goods and services, as well as examples of practical applications for the theoretical framework in electronic commerce of digital goods and services. A software simulation of a free trading market for non- scarce goods, operating on the principles of this theoretical framework, is also provided. The applied theoretical framework is intended to create equitable trading of digital goods in a free market environment, provide a remedy for the growing piracy of digital goods, and enable investing in commoditised creativity, in a manner similar to investing in stocks or commodities

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“Freedom and Government” (1989)

My article “Freedom and Government,” The Wonderland Times (underground LSU student newspaper), vol. 1, no. 6 (July 5, 1989).

Note: This was written in my Randian minarchist phase; nowadays I would agree with Fig. 2, not Fig. 1. (See Then and Now: From Randian Minarchist to Austro-Anarcho-Libertarian.)

 

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“Libertarian Man!” by Nina Paley

I commissioned my friend, the talented artist and anti-IP Nina Paley, to draw “Libertarian Man” for me.

“Libertarian Man!” for Stephan

Hundred Hundred-and-Fifty Dollar Drawing.  Hundred Dollar Drawings are now $150 due to inflation, but still a bargain! Available here.

I forgot I had done an amateur one for kicks years ago: [continue reading…]

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Least, Sufficient Force: Libertarian Theory of Defense

Interesting article by one “Marco”: “Least, Sufficient Force: Libertarian Theory of Defense,” The Voluntaryist Reader blog (2013). He argues that a victim may use force in self-defense, during an act of aggression, and for  punishment/retribution, after the fact, and that while there are upper bounds on the level of force that may be used in each case, they are different. For punishment to be just, it must be proportional to the offense being punished. So you could kill a murderer but not someone who punched you in the arm. For self-defense, the victim may also use force to defend himself during the attack, but is limited to using the “least, sufficient force” that will prevent or repeal the attack. These standards are different, meaning, for example, that the victim is entitled to kill the aggressor in self-defense in some cases where capital punishment after the fact would be disproportionate. For example if someone is going to give you a severe beating that would not be punishable by death, you may still kill the guy during the act if that’s the only way to stop him.

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