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IP is not a joke

An email I just received:

My name is Luke Mroz and I am a Ron Paul supporter in NYC and a fan of your work at Mises.org.  I just wanted to share a brief story with you from an event I went to last night:

Last night I attended a Comedy Central taping for a live comedian special called “Comics Anonymous” at the Union Square Theater in New York City.  It was a festive event with a fun crowd of about 500 people.  One of the performers was one of my favorite comedians named Robert Kelly.  He told a really good joke about how he rarely used the word love because it loses its strength if you use it to much.  When his wife tells him she loves him, he shrugs it off.  When his father told him he loved him, for the first time in his adult life when he graduated high school, he feigned breaking down into tears and acting like an emotional wreck.  While doing this, he feigned being hugged and sang the phrase “We are the world”.  He then went on to his next joke.

After another comedian, the taping ended.  We were informed that the crowd had to stay put because Bob Kelly had to come out and re-film a joke.  It was the joke I just mentioned.  They said it had to be re-taped because Comedy Central didn’t have the rights to the song “We Are The World”.  (My guess is it probably wasn’t worth it to them to obtain the rights, for 1 or 2 seconds of a joke).  How ridiculous is this?  FOUR WORDS!  We then had to hear the same joke, slightly modified, again, and pretend and cheer for it like we never heard it before.  I am interested in seeing the final edited product, whenever it eventually airs.

[AM]

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Reflicted

One of my posts from years back on another blog:

Reflicted

When I was a youngling in rural Louisiana, we would often use the pejorative, colloquial term “reflicted,” as in, “Oh, shut up, you’re so reflicted!” It was a synonym, roughly, for “retarded” or stupid.

Other colloquialisms from my home state:

  • silver dime, meaning, a dime (one time when I was a checkout boy at a supermarket, this black guy, when I was giving him change, kept asking me to give him “silver dime,” and, as I used to collect silver dimes, started fishing through the cash drawer, looking on the edge of the dimes, searching for a pure silver one. Finally he pointed at a regular dime, and I realized, he meant a dime by “silver dime”. What a non-silver dime is, to him, I have no idea.)
  • This calls to mind the time the black lady handed me a nickel and two dimes and asked me for a “solid quarter.” After looking at her with the deer-in-the-headlights look for a second, I realized she meant just a quarter. I think two dimes and a nickel must be a “non-solid” quarter.
  • The blacks would also ask me to slice them up half a pound of “pepper sausage,” by which they meant salami. I got to be good at interpreting their colloquial expressions, like the way they pronounced shrimp (“swimpses”).
    • I hereby apologize for relaying this story and for remembering the racial aspect.
  • In Louisiana they say this, when they see that one of their friends is pregnant: “Who’s dat baby for?” Which means, “who is the father of your child?” The answer would be of the form, “It for John.”
  • They also say someone “caught a heart attack”
  • grocery shopping is “makin’ groceries”. The Schwegmann chain capitalized on this with a campaign “Makin’ Groceries–Schwegmann Style”
  • They end sentences with the personal pronoun for emphasis, like so: “I need to get me some boiled peanuts, me.”
  • If” is used for emphasis. As so: A says, “Man, is dat chick HOT or what?” B would respond, “If!” meaning “Yes!” My theory is that this was someone’s adaptation of the Spanish usage of the word “si” for both yes and if (there is some Spanish influence there).
  • “Skiing” means water skiing. If you want to refer to the other kind, you have to say “snow-skiing”.
  • I once saw a flier for a “PENTECOSTAL REVIAL.” The typo made me feel much more secure in my lack of thumperness.
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See also other biographical pieces here, e.g. Alan D. Bergman, Adopting Liberty: The Stephan Kinsella Story (2025) and How I Became A LibertarianLewRockwell.com (Dec. 18, 2002). And Where I’ve Changed My Mind.

I wasn’t always a woolly-eyed anarchist. In 1989, I was still clinging to minarchy, trying to find ways to justify it. Hence, my article Freedom and Government, The Wonderland Times (underground LSU student newspaper), vol. 1, no. 6, July 5, 1989. I think I could see even then that minarchy made no sense; hence the tortured attempt to justify the current American state.

Shortly after that I gave up the attempt to justify minarchy and went all the way to full-fledged anarchy (as I describe in How I Became A Libertarian). Now, my views are better illustrated with Fig. 2 of that article, of the figure below.

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Me, Mises, and … rats?

From Jayel Aheram’s photostream: a rat named….

Mises Kinsella

 

Aharem Mises Kinsella Rats

I named her after Ludwig von Mises and Stephan Kinsella.

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The State, Destruction, and Propaganda

[From my Webnote series]

I’ve often commented that the state is good at nothing except destruction–stealing, killing, breaking things. But it occurs to me that this may be wrong: that the state may also be good at one other thing. The reason it’s good at destruction–far better than a private criminal, say–is because it is institutionalized (see Rummel; Liberals on Rehnquist: Hypocrite Criminals in our Midst; Spooner’s comments about the highwayman in No Treason No. VI: The Constitution of No Authority, Section III). It is seen as legitimate, and thus is able to get away with far more, on a far more systematic and continuing basis, than mere private criminals. Why is this? Because it is able to deceive the people into believing it is legitimate. I.e., the state is also very good at propaganda. I am not sure why this is so, since the state is bad at everything else (except destruction). Perhaps it is simply the case that if and to the extent criminal gangs are able to persuade people that they have legitimacy, they become states and become able to commit institutionalized crime. In any event, thank goodness the state is not even better at propaganda!

As Mark Thornton notes,

Without efficiency or morality to back it, socialism is then revealed as merely a parasitic state using the carrot of political favors and the stick of violence to live off its host. Ultimately, the state uses propaganda of many forms to sustain an ideology that prevents the host from relieving itself of the parasite, and in class we had a wide-ranging discussion as to propaganda of the US government.

For more on the state’s use of ideological propaganda, see Hans-Hermann Hoppe, “Banking, Nation States and International Politics: A Sociological Reconstruction of the Present Economic Order,” Review of Austrian Economics 4 (1990): 62 et seq., reprinted in The Economics and Ethics of Private Property, pp. 86-87; idem, “The Economics and Sociology of Taxation,” in idem, The Economics and Ethics of Private Property, pp. 64–65; also my post Swinkels and Hoppe on the Tacit Support of the State.

This is why it’s important to mock and laugh at the state:

Earlier this year I was on a panel (discussed here) with Hoppe and DiLorenzo. In response to a question about the prospects for liberty, I noted the importance of economic literacy, in part to deflate the mistaken belief on the part of decent people that the state is necessary and legitimate. Without the tacit support of the state’s legitimacy, it could not exist. And this is why it is important to laugh at the state.  Hoppe agreed, saying he has actually considered featuring a libertarian comedian at an upcoming  event, and DiLorenzo explained that one reason he often mocks the state and its media cheerleaders is for this very purpose–he gave the example of ridiculing Rachel Maddow in a recent LRC post where he referred to her getting her “panties in a knot”. We need to show these people as buffoons and clowns and to make people take them less seriously. (See also the Mises Daily article Laughing at the Regime.)

Laugh at the State, Mock the Regime.

So: laugh at them, mock them, ridicule them, jeer them, scoff. Do not take them seriously.

 

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Swinkels and Hoppe on the Tacit Support of the State

From LRC 2007:

Swinkels and Hoppe on the Tacit Support of the State

Posted by Stephan Kinsella on September 20, 2007 02:05 PM

Koen Swinkels has a great article on LRC today, Ron Paul and the Role of Ideas in Class Conflict. In the article he explains that

“The state depends for its continued existence on the enthusiastic support of only a few. It requires the acquiescence of many more. The few that are enthusiastic about the state are the ones that profit from it, such as politicians, bankers, bureaucrats, contractors, big corporations, mainstream media (MSM), intellectuals, lobbyists and unions. The profit comes at the expense of the many. This as the classical liberals explained is the only meaningful class conflict in society. The trick to keeping the many complacent is to deceive them into thinking they are actually not being plundered. This is achieved in at least three ways:

This includes intellectuals coming “up with theories justifying state institutions before or after they are created” as well as “Mainstream media and intellectuals … drastically narrow[ing] the terms of acceptable debate by taking statism as a given.”

I want to note Hoppe’s more systematic insights into how the state is able to manipulate the populace into tacitly supporting it. In his classic essay Banking, Nation States and International Politics: A Sociological Reconstruction of the Present Economic Order, Hoppe notes (pp. 62-66) (I quote this brilliant passage at length):

as a state emerges, then, it does so in spite of the fact that it is neither in demand nor efficient.Instead of being constrained by cost and demand conditions, the growth of an exploiting firm is constrained by public opinion: non-productive and non-contractual property acquisitions require coercion, and coercion creates victims. It is conceivable that resistance can be lastingly broken by force in the case of one man (or a group of men) exploiting one or maybe two or three others (or a group of roughly the same size). It is inconceivable, however, to imagine that force alone can account for the breaking down of resistance in the actually familiar case of small minorities expropriating and exploiting populations ten, hundreds, or thousands of times their size. For this to happen a firm must have public support in addition to coercive force. A majority of the population must accept its operations as legitimate. This acceptance can range from active enthusiasm to passive resignation. But acceptance it must be in the sense that a majority must have given up the idea of actively or passively resisting any attempt to enforce non-productive and non-contractual property acquisitions. Instead of displaying outrage over such actions, of showing contempt for everyone who engages in them, and of doing nothing to help make them successful (not to mention actively trying to obstruct them), a majority must actively or passively support them. State-supportive public opinion must counterbalance the resistance of victimized property owners such that active resistance appears futile. And the goal of the state, then, and of every state employee who wants to contribute toward securing and improving his own position within the state, is and must be that of maximizing exploitatively acquired wealth and income by producing favorable public opinion and creating legitimacy.

There are two complementary measures available to the state trying to accomplish this. First, there is ideological propaganda. Much time and effort is spent persuading the public that things are not really as they appear: exploitation is really freedom; taxes are really voluntary; non-contractual relations are really “conceptually” contractual ones; no one is ruled by anyone but we all rule ourselves; without the state neither law nor security exists; and the poor would perish, etc.

Second, there is redistribution. Instead of being a mere parasitic consumer of goods that others have produced, the state redistributes some of its coercively appropriated wealth to people outside the state apparatus and thereby attempts to corrupt them into assuming state-supportive roles.

But not just any redistribution will do. Just as ideologies must serve a—statist—purpose, so must redistribution. Redistribution requires cost-expenditures and thus needs a justification. It is not undertaken by the state simply in order to do something nice for some people, as, for instance, when someone gives someone else a present. Nor is it done simply to gain as high an income as possible from exchanges, as when an ordinary economic business engages in trade. It is undertaken in order to secure the further existence and expansion of exploitation and expropriation. Redistribution must serve this strategic purpose. Its costs must be justified in terms of increased state income and wealth. The political entrepreneurs in charge of the state apparatus can err in this task, as can ordinary businessmen, because their decisions about which redistributive measures best serve this purpose have to be made in anticipation of their actual results. And if entrepreneurial errors occur, the state’s income may actually fall rather than rise, possibly even jeopardizing its own existence. It is the very purpose of state politics and the function of political entrepreneurship to avoid such situations and to choose instead a policy that increases state income.

While neither the particular forms of redistributive policies nor their particular outcomes can be predicted, but change with changing circumstances, the nature of the state still requires that its redistributive policy must follow a certain order and display a certain structural regularity.

As a firm engaged in the maximization of exploitatively appropriated wealth, the state’s first and foremost area in which it applies redistributive measures is the production of security, i.e. of police, defense, and a judicial system. The state ultimately rests on coercion and thus cannot do without armed forces. Any competing armed forces—which would naturally emerge on the market in order to satisfy a genuine demand for security and protection services—are a threat to its existence. They must be eliminated. To do this is to arrogate the job to itself and become the monopolistic supplier and redistributor of protection services for a defined territory. Similarly, a competing judicial system would pose an immediate threat to a state’s claim to legitimacy. And again, for the sake of its own existence the judicial system must also be monopolized and legal services included in redistributive schemes.

The state’s nature as an institution engaged in organized aggression also explains the importance of the next field of redistributive activities: that of traffic and communication. There can be no regular exploitation without monopolistic control of rivers, coasts, seaways, streets, railroads, airports, mail and telecommunication systems. Thus, these areas, too, must become the object of redistribution.

Of similar importance is the field of education. Depending as it does on public opinion and its acceptance of the state’s actions as legitimate, it is essential for a state that unfavorable ideological competition be eliminated as far as possible and statist ideologies spread. The state attempts to accomplish this by providing educational services on a redistributive basis.

Furthered by a system of state education, the next crucial area for redistribution is that of redistributing state power itself, i.e., the right assumed by the state to expropriate, exploit and redistribute non-productively appropriated assets. Instead of remaining an institution which restricts entry into itself and/or particular government positions, a state increasingly, and for obvious strategic reasons, adopts an organizational structure which in principle opens up every position to everyone and grants equal and universal rights of participation and competition in the determination of state policy. Everyone—not just a privileged “nobility”—receives a legal stake in the state in order to reduce the resistance to state power.

With the monopolization of law and security production, traffic, communication and education, as well as the democratization of state rule itself, all features of the modern state have been identified but one: the state’s monopolization of money and banking. …

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R.W. Bradford of “Liberty” Magazine on Rights

Oldie from LRC, about Bill Bradford (R.I.P.) on rights:

Bradford of Liberty on Rights

Posted by Stephan Kinsella on February 15, 2004 10:36 AM

Some may recall that a few years back R.W. Bradford, editor of Liberty, argued that the age of “moralistic” or “rights-based” libertarianism a la Rothbard and Rand, had passed, and had evolved to a superior pragmatic or consequentialist view (I’m recalling from memory here). That is, he dismissed the non-aggression principle as some kind of simplistic, undefendable position.

So it’s kind of interesting how Bradford tries to use the non-aggression principle in the latest (March 2004) issue, in support of his anti-war position. In a reply to a pro-war libertarian, Bradford writes:

You propose that the libertarian ethical imperative against initiating force is incomplete, and suggest that it ought not to apply “in the world of nation-states.” My view is that the non-initiation principle ought to be considered a general ethical rule, rather than an ethical imperative, so we have no real argument here. I should add, however, that I do not share your proposal that nation-states be exempted from it. It seems to me that states should be bound more tightly by it than should individuals.

I.e., the non-aggression principle is not really a rigorous, real principle for libertarianism; at best, it is some kind of suggestion or rule of thumb. And yet, this “non-rule” should be applied more strictly against states than against individuals. What? Why? If it’s just a suggestion, or rule of thumb, what does it mean to apply it more stringently…? Does he mean that it’s a real ethical imperative when it comes to states?

This is yet another example of why ethical skepticism is inevitably self-defeating. Those who engage in normative arguments, ultimately, have no choice but to adopt some normative, moral views. Rights-skeptics and similar types thus either (a) fall into contradiction when they start to utter moral or normative opinions; or (b) if they want to remain consistent, must just keep their mouths shut and not enter the moral fray.

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From my comment to my post New Book: Innovation, Intellectual Property, and Economic Growth (archived comments):

Stephan Kinsella Peter, good point. Here’s another way to think about the incoherence of IP (and of pro-IP “arguments”): I’ve pointed out many times the hypocrisy of IP advocates, who denigrate the need for scarcity as a criteria for property; they say that intangible, non-scarce “creations” are “just as much” property as are real things. In fact, some say they are MORE fundamental than rights in lowly material things–Rand and Galambos say this; Tibor Machan even implies it. Yet, when they want to enforce rights in IP they want to use physical force, against physical things–the body or property of the IP “infringer.” Why the need to stoop down into the lowly physical world to enforce these IP rights, if IP “things” are “ontologically” “types of things” that “can be owned”?

Consider a world without scarcity. Scarcity means rivalrousness–the possibility of conflict. So a world with no scarcity is hard to imagine exactly but it could be one in which people are sort of ghostly; or, one in which people are super-invulnerable and have the ability to create at will whatever objects they want, in the blink of an eye. A world so that no one can force others to do anthing, or harm them, or “take” anyting from them. If I see your “car” I can conjure up one for myself–yours is not taken. Etc.

Now, in such a world–and don’t call it absurd, since the IP advocates assure us that things other than scarce things are ontologically “real” too–the IP advocates would still say that there are property rights in intellectual creations. Right? If I create a painting, then if others duplicate it without my permission they are “trespassing.” But how would such a right even in principle be enforced, in a non-scarce world? You could not use force to stop the infringer. You could not penalize him. You could not “take” any of his property as “damages.” So IP would be completely unenforceable in a world without scarcity.

In other words, IP needs a world of scarcity in order to exist. Yet IP proponents claim that IP “objects” have independent existence, that scarcity is not necessary, etc. They even claim IP is more primary than property in lowly material things. Ridiculous.

Published: February 5, 2010 11:03 AM

Full post plus Archived comments:

New Book: Innovation, Intellectual Property, and Economic Growth

February 3, 2010 12:09 PM by Stephan Kinsella (Archive)

The new book Innovation, Intellectual Property, and Economic Growth, by
Christine Greenhalgh & Mark Rogers, looks interesting:

What drives innovation? How does it contribute to the growth of firms, industries, and economies? And do intellectual property rights help or hurt innovation and growth? Uniquely combining microeconomics, macroeconomics, and theory with empirical analysis drawn from the United States and Europe, this book introduces graduate students and advanced undergraduates to the complex process of innovation. By addressing all the major dimensions of innovation in a single text, Christine Greenhalgh and Mark Rogers are able to show how outcomes at the microlevel feed through to the macro-outcomes that in turn determine personal incomes and job opportunities.

From a quick skim of ch. 1 (available here), it appears to adopt a mainstream approach–finding out whether there is market failure or a public goods problem (see Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s “Fallacies of the Public Goods Theory and the Production of Security,” in The Economics and Ethics of Private Property for criticism of the concept of “public goods”), and then asking whether we can fix it with some kind of state invervention. The same old “the market is not perfect, so let’s let the thugs with guns have more power” song and dance.

But at least they recognize you have to take costs into account (see my Reducing the Cost of IP LawThere’s No Such Thing as a Free PatentYet Another Study Finds Patents Do Not Encourage Innovation; and What Are the Costs of the Patent System?):

In addition, understanding whether these monopoly costs of IPRs [intellectual property rights] are less than the benefit to society emanating from the spur that IPRs give to innovation will provide a major theme for parts II and IV of this book.

My guess: they’ll conclude that some IPRs can help address the market failure/public goods issues and give rise to some kind of net benefit, but not our current IP system; so then we’ll have a laundry list of “reforms” that would tweak the current laws to reduce the cost enough so that there is a net benefit. Just a hunch. Unfortunately, at $45 even in e-book format, I don’t think I’ll read it until it comes out at a more reasonable price.

Bookmark/Share | Comments (17) 

Comments (17) 

  • Silas BartaSilas Barta

    Unfortunately, at $45 even in e-book format, I don’t think I’ll read it until it comes out at a more reasonable price.

    You mean you have inhibitions against just pirating it?

    Published: February 3, 2010 6:29 PM

  • Bruce KoerberBruce Koerber

    I can’t believe that these authors think that their ebook is worth $45.

    I can guarantee you that some of the information in their book is built upon a worn-out paradigm which significantly reduces its value.

    I suggest saving between $32 and 38.50 and instead read about the divine economy theory, which is cutting edge.

    Published: February 3, 2010 7:44 PM

  • GilGil

    Is this the part where anti-I.P. folk argue that although lack of I.P. where a shady competitor can threaten the reputation of a reputable doesn’t really matter as I.P. is wrong and some loss of innovation is okay.

    Published: February 3, 2010 8:31 PM

  • newsonnewson

    gil,
    at least silas can argue properly. watch him and learn.

    Published: February 4, 2010 1:55 AM

  • clay barhamclay barham

    Innovators come from pebble droppers with courage to pursue their dreams as cited in Save Pebble Droppers & Prosperity on Amazon and claysamerica.com. They are the stand-alone visionaries who are self-reliant, like Howard Roark in his jury summation in Ayn Rand’s Fountainhead, in an environment where individual self interests are more important than are community interests, the latter which Obama, Rousseau and Marx prefer. claysamerica.com

    Published: February 4, 2010 11:54 AM

  • Curt HowlandCurt Howland

    Silas,

    I’ve noticed that “illegally” downloading material is the common reply of those who do not understand the negatives of government monopoly grants.

    …and Microsoft apologists. Really. In many, many forums where I have suggested that the price of commercial software is far above its utility, that the free (as in no cost) F/OSS programs like Linux and OpenOffice.org have a much greater return on investment, the people who say that commercial software is “so much better” answer with “if you don’t like the price of the software, just pirate it.”

    Asking how someone who objects to government monopoly grants on principle why they don’t “just pirate”, is ignoring that the argument is being made by a person to whom principle matters.

    Published: February 4, 2010 12:30 PM

  • Silas BartaSilas Barta

    @Curt_Howland: I was just pointing out that Stephan_Kinsella’s principles don’t require him to respect others’ IP (well, except when he delegates his IP rights out to publishers in exchange for money), so why is he acting like it’s some kind of rule he has to obey?

    And if it’s against your principles to copy the works of those who don’t want them to be copied without permission … um, gee, how exactly would an IP free world be different to you? You’d still have to respect the wishes of those who ask that their work not be copied, right? Or are you willing to secretly violate “hey, don’t copy our stuff, please” but not “hey, don’t copy our stuff, it’s under copyright”?

    Published: February 4, 2010 3:14 PM

  • Peter SurdaPeter Surda

    Dear Silas,

    > so why is he acting like it’s some kind of rule he
    > has to obey?
    Beats me. Maybe because he does not have the spare money for a copyright infringement trial or prefers not to go to jail. But you’re right, it makes so much sense to assume some deep philosophical dichotomy as a reason for his inaction.

    > … gee, how exactly would an IP free world be
    > different to you? You’d still have to respect the
    > wishes of those who ask that their work not be
    > copied, right?
    You would not have to respect them. Some still might. But the outcome would be different. The threat of a trial or jail would only be present if there was an underlying contract. Otherwise, there might be loss of reputation, economic and social boycott and other indirect activities. You would have a choice just like you have now, merely there would be less violence involved in the options.

    Published: February 4, 2010 7:20 PM

  • Silas BartaSilas Barta

    @Peter_Surda:

    Maybe because he does not have the spare money for a copyright infringement trial or prefers not to go to jail. But you’re right, it makes so much sense to assume some deep philosophical dichotomy as a reason for his inaction.

    Exactly. Contra Curt_Howland, it’s not some kind of *principled* decision on Stephan_Kinsella’s part. That’s all I was trying to establish.

    You would not have to respect them. Some still might. But the outcome would be different. The threat of a trial or jail would only be present if there was an underlying contract. Otherwise, there might be loss of reputation, economic and social boycott and other indirect activities. You would have a choice just like you have now, merely there would be less violence involved in the options.

    But that’s exactly how you intend to enforce *physical* property in the absence of the State. So, um, how does your position on IP actually *differ* from your position on physical property?

    -You want them both “enforced”, to the extent they can be, without the government.

    -Everything you find wrong with both of them, has to do with the government’s involvement.

    I’ve asked this question to less intelligent posters and gotten muddles answers. Can you do better?

    Published: February 4, 2010 7:35 PM

  • AnonymousAnonymous

    I actually was just given this book and asked to review it. I’d like free-market opinions on it if there are others out there who are actually going to read it.

    Also, anyone have another source of a possibly more rigorous refutation of “public goods theory”?? While Hoppe is logically convincing, I was hoping for something more. To take the lighthouse scenario…

    Let’s say some not-so-nice guy in our free-market economy has bought the lighthouse. This guy also owns a pharmaceutical company. His pharmaceutical competitors are across the ocean. He starts charging enormous fees for use of the lighthouse to make it prohibitively expensive to import the rival firm’s medicine. People get sick, he charges higher prices, etc. He starts buying up other businesses whose competitors are also across the sea and starts the same tactics. Pretty soon our area around the lighthouse looks like North Korea…

    Ok, maybe not so simple, but can’t we envision such a scenario where the private ownership of certain goods is less desirable for the well being of everyone and therefore we can distinguish it as a public good (owned or supported by a government kept in check by a democratic system).

    If anyone can help me here it would be appreciated.

    Published: February 4, 2010 9:49 PM

  • Peter SurdaPeter Surda

    Dear Silas,

    the difference, as I envision it, in enforcing rights in a stateless society with physical versus immaterial goods is in initiation of force as a retribution for damages by a third party. With physical goods, retribution by force is not an initiation of force, with immaterial it is. For an example see the “Cartoon Wars” episodes of South Park ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cartoon_Wars_Part_I and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cartoon_Wars_Part_II ).

    Published: February 5, 2010 2:23 AM

  • Stephan KinsellaStephan KinsellaAuthor Profile Page

    Peter, good point. Here’s another way to think about the incoherence of IP (and of pro-IP “arguments”): I’ve pointed out many times the hypocrisy of IP advocates, who denigrate the need for scarcity as a criteria for property; they say that intangible, non-scarce “creations” are “just as much” property as are real things. In fact, some say they are MORE fundamental than rights in lowly material things–Rand and Galambos say this; Tibor Machan even implies it. Yet, when they want to enforce rights in IP they want to use physical force, against physical things–the body or property of the IP “infringer.” Why the need to stoop down into the lowly physical world to enforce these IP rights, if IP “things” are “ontologically” “types of things” that “can be owned”?

    Consider a world without scarcity. Scarcity means rivalrousness–the possibility of conflict. So a world with no scarcity is hard to imagine exactly but it could be one in which people are sort of ghostly; or, one in which people are super-invulnerable and have the ability to create at will whatever objects they want, in the blink of an eye. A world so that no one can force others to do anthing, or harm them, or “take” anyting from them. If I see your “car” I can conjure up one for myself–yours is not taken. Etc.

    Now, in such a world–and don’t call it absurd, since the IP advocates assure us that things other than scarce things are ontologically “real” too–the IP advocates would still say that there are property rights in intellectual creations. Right? If I create a painting, then if others duplicate it without my permission they are “trespassing.” But how would such a right even in principle be enforced, in a non-scarce world? You could not use force to stop the infringer. You could not penalize him. You could not “take” any of his property as “damages.” So IP would be completely unenforceable in a world without scarcity.

    In other words, IP needs a world of scarcity in order to exist. Yet IP proponents claim that IP “objects” have independent existence, that scarcity is not necessary, etc. They even claim IP is more primary than property in lowly material things. Ridiculous.

    Published: February 5, 2010 11:03 AM

  • Silas BartaSilas Barta

    @Peter_Surda:

    the difference, as I envision it, in enforcing rights in a stateless society with physical versus immaterial goods is in initiation of force as a retribution for damages by a third party. With physical goods, retribution by force is not an initiation of force, with immaterial it is.

    Ah, they’d be different because you’d defined them that way. That clears things up … I think. (Though not why Curt_Howland would respect IP in a state-free society.)

    @Stephan_Kinsella: It wasn’t a good point.

    Consider a world without scarcity. Scarcity means rivalrousness–the possibility of conflict.

    You’re saying there’s no conflict between pro- and anti-IP with respect to an intellectual work??? Then what are we arguing over?

    Look, there’s a difference between justifying one side’s claims (say, the anti-IP side’s) in a conflict by appeal to some other principle, versus claiming that his position is necessarily justified because … there is no conflict. The latter is just a category error: you can’t justify a position in a conflict by saying there is no conflict. That’s just not how it works.

    You can sure write an 80 page essay amplifying that confusion, though!

    Published: February 5, 2010 11:24 AM

  • Stephan KinsellaStephan KinsellaAuthor Profile Page

    Silas:

    “You’re saying there’s no conflict between pro- and anti-IP with respect to an intellectual work??? Then what are we arguing over?”

    Depends on what the IP guys are asking for. If they really think ideas are real objects, let them use those objects for enforcement. I don’t mind. But if you then start asking to control my physical resources, in a way that conflicts with the Lockean homesteading principle, as a libertarian, I object.

    “Look, there’s a difference between justifying one side’s claims (say, the anti-IP side’s) in a conflict by appeal to some other principle, versus claiming that his position is necessarily justified because … there is no conflict.”

    Actually, we dont have to justify anti-IP. We just point out that IP is not justified. The burden is on you. You are the ones proposing a homesteading rule for scarce resources that undercuts the libertarian one.

    Published: February 5, 2010 11:57 AM

  • Peter SurdaPeter Surda

    Dear Stephan,

    you wrote exactly what I realised after writing my previous post. There is only one more thing I’d like to add to show the inconsistency in IP theory: assuming a restitution should be proportionate to the “damage” caused, then IP infringments should be compensated by immaterial goods too instead of material ones. So a consistent IP proponent should either retaliate by “infringing back” just like in the cartoon I mentioned, or by demanding immaterial goods that the infringer “owns”. Obviously, this approach, while consistent, would make IP practically irrelevant. Indeed, as those infringed upon demand material goods as a restitution, they themselves demonstrate that they value them higher than the immaterial.

    Published: February 5, 2010 12:09 PM

  • Curt HowlandCurt Howland

    Silas, you seem able to tell what other people’s thoughts and motivations are. Why don’t you tell me why I’m not interested in the products of people who don’t want me as a customer?

    Published: February 5, 2010 12:23 PM

  • Peter SurdaPeter Surda

    Dear Silas,

    I think you interpret my argument too “deep”. I was not explaining the why, but what, as it was my impression that this was your question.

    Published: February 5, 2010 3:52 PM

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The Badass of the Week: Hannah Duston

Wow, this is some story. HT to philosopher Quee Nelson, one of Duston’s descendants.

The Badass of the Week
Hannah Duston

Despite what Riverdale Elementary School’s annual First-Grade Thanksgiving Day Class Play might have you believe, early Colonial America wasn’t all one giant super happy mecha fun time made out of maize, delicious roasted turkey breast, and Pocahontas teaching John Smith the meaning of friendship and cooperation by baking pumpkin pies and putting out on the Sabbath ? it was a sick, murderous hellhole of suck where freezing temperatures and near-constant warfare meant death was an omnipresent threat every time you stepped foot outside your crappy, poorly-insulated, makeshift shelter.  On the one hand you had the Puritans ? crazy, whacked-out European religious zealots intent on exerting their inflexible will over the New World one Smallpox-infected blanket at a time.  Standing opposed to them were the Native Americans, who voiced their displeasure at this tactic by winging tomahawks into peoples’ faces, murdering their families, and torching their settlements to cinders.  Living in a frontier town in Haverhill, Massachusetts, a young woman named Mrs. Hannah Duston was caught in the middle of this raging death-sanity, and when she was swept up in the tide of senseless violence that ravaged the Northeast in the seventeenth-century, she made a name for herself as a completely insane-o-bot madwoman who was absolutely not to be fucked with for any reason.

In March of 1697, Hannah Duston’s tiny farm was attacked by a marauding band of Abenaki Indians (alternate sources say they were Mohawks, who are widely believed to be among the most badass and ruthless of all the North American Indian tribes).  The battle-raging warrior braves attacked Hannah’s husband Thomas while he was out working in the field, but he managed to run back to the farmhouse and warn his wife of the impending raid.  Unfortunately, Hannah was unable to escape ? she had just given birth to a child a couple days prior, and wasn’t in any condition to be moved at this time.  Hannah, her nursemaid, and her newborn stayed behind, and she encouraged her husband to get the fuck out of there and flee with their eight other children while they still could. [continue reading…]

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Lew Rockwell’s Tribute to the Hamburger

Lew and Heroic Burgers

Posted by Stephan Kinsella on June 19, 2005 11:17 AM

Some things tend to stick in your memory. For some reason, I can never forget Lew’s brilliant tribute to the hamburger. These stirring words always make me want to drive down to the Whataburger and chow down:

And what a glorious thing the hamburger is. It combines meat, grains, cheese, and vegetables into a simple, delicious package for quick and enjoyable consumption. It seems so easy, yet the efficient production of the hamburger, in all its details, is of infinite complexity. Only the coordinative powers of a market economy could possibly produce it.

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The Patent, Copyright, Trademark, and Trade Secret Horror Files

[From my Webnote series]

As noted here, “Ayn Rand’s newsletters used to end with a “Horror File” of monstrous but true quotations.”

Along those lines, it’s time to collect some choice trademark horror stories in one place. The main post will be here, on the Mises Blog, but I’ll cross-post the initial post here too. But look there for updates (or to add suggestions in the comments). (Update: I might as well also list here similar examples from patent, copyright, and even trade secret. See below.)

Trademark

As noted in Trademark versus Copyright and Patent, or: Is All IP Evil?, it’s not only patent and copyright that are unlibertarian and unjust. Modern trademark law is as well. I deal with tradmark rights on pp. 58-59 of Against Intellectual Property, and also in some detail in Reply to Van Dun: Non-Aggression and Title Transfer (esp. pp. 59-63). In my view, extensions of trademark law–rights against “trademark dilution” and cybersquatting, etc.–are obviously invalid. Further, federal trademark law is problematic since it is not authorized in the Constitution.

But even if federal trademark law were abolished, as well as modern extensions such as rights against trademark dilution, even common law trademark is problematic, for three primary reasons. First, it is enforced by the state, which gets everything wrong. Second (see First), the test of “consumer confusion” is usually applied ridiculously, treating consumers like indiscriminating idiots. Third, and worst of all, the right at issue is the right of the defrauded consumer, not the competitor. Trademark law ought to be reformed by abolishing the right of trademark “owners” to sue “infringers” (except perhaps as proxy for customers, when consent can be presumed or proved–as I discuss in this interview: Free Talk Live Interview on Reducing IP Costs (Jan. 20, 2010)), and treating this as a case of the customer’s right to sue a vendor who defrauds him as to the nature of the good purchased. Some might argue that this is only a minor change, but it is not: such a change would make it clear that “knockoffs” are usually not a violation of anyone’s rights: the buyer of a $10 “Rolex” is almost never defrauded–he knows what he’s getting. Yet by giving an enforceable trademark right to the user of a mark, he can sue knockoff companies even though their customers are not defrauded and in fact are perfectly happy to buy the knockoff products.

The other fallacy is the view at work here that there is no such thing as reputation, or even identity, absent trademark law. But this is incorrect. Of course people and firms can have reputations even if trademark law is nonexistent. All that is required is that people be able to identify other people and firms, and communicate. Pro-trademark arguments often implicitly assume that this is not possible, absent state-enforced trademark law, which is ridiculous.

In any event, on to a collection of trademark outrages for the horror files (some of these are also listed in Reducing the Cost of IP Law):

Patent

Taken (in part) from my article Radical Patent Reform Is Not on the Way, Appendix: Examples of Outrageous Patents and Judgments:

Examples of (at least apparently) ridiculous patents and patent applications abound (more at PatentLawPractice):

The Supreme Court, in the 1882 case Atlantic Works v. Brady, 107 US 192, itself lists examples of patents issued to “gadgets that obviously have had no place in the constitutional scheme of advancing scientific knowledge … the simplest of devices.” These included

  • a particular doorknob made of clay rather than metal or wood, where differently shaped doorknobs had previously been made of clay;
  • making collars of parchment paper where linen paper and linen had previously been used;
  • a method for preserving fish by freezing them in a container that operates in the same manner as an ice-cream freezer.
  • rubber caps put on wood pencils to serve as erasers;
  • inserting a piece of rubber in a slot in the end of a wood pencil to serve as an eraser;
  • a stamp for impressing initials in the side of a plug of tobacco;
  • a hose reel of large diameter so that water may flow through the hose while it is wound on the reel;
  • putting rollers on a machine to make it movable;
  • using flat cord instead of round cord for the loop at the end of suspenders;
  • placing rubber hand grips on bicycle handlebars;
  • an oval rather than cylindrical toilet paper roll, to facilitate tearing off strips.

Below are a few notable or recent examples of large, significant, troubling, or apparently outrageous injunctions, damages awards, and the like:

Copyright

Some of these are also listed in Reducing the Cost of IP Law:

See also:

Trade Secret

Even trade secret law, the least objectionable of the four main types of IP, has been corrupted by the state.

 

[Mises; AM]

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The new book Innovation, Intellectual Property, and Economic Growth, by
Christine Greenhalgh & Mark Rogers, looks interesting:

What drives innovation? How does it contribute to the growth of firms, industries, and economies? And do intellectual property rights help or hurt innovation and growth? Uniquely combining microeconomics, macroeconomics, and theory with empirical analysis drawn from the United States and Europe, this book introduces graduate students and advanced undergraduates to the complex process of innovation. By addressing all the major dimensions of innovation in a single text, Christine Greenhalgh and Mark Rogers are able to show how outcomes at the microlevel feed through to the macro-outcomes that in turn determine personal incomes and job opportunities.

From a quick skim of ch. 1 (available here), it appears to adopt a mainstream approach–finding out whether there is market failure or a public goods problem (see Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s “Fallacies of the Public Goods Theory and the
Production of Security,” in The Economics and Ethics of Private Property for criticism of the concept of “public goods”), and then asking whether we can fix it with some kind of state invervention. The same old “the market is not perfect, so let’s let the thugs with guns have more power” song and dance.

But at least they recognize you have to take costs into account (see my Reducing the Cost of IP Law; There’s No Such Thing as a Free Patent; Yet Another Study Finds Patents Do Not Encourage Innovation; and What Are the Costs of the Patent System?):

In addition, understanding whether these monopoly costs of IPRs [intellectual property rights] are less than the benefit to society emanating from the spur that IPRs give to innovation will provide a major theme for parts II and IV of this book.

My guess: they’ll conclude that some IPRs can help address the market failure/public goods issues and give rise to some kind of net benefit, but not our current IP system; so then we’ll have a laundry list of “reforms” that would tweak the current laws to reduce the cost enough so that there is a net benefit. Just a hunch. Unfortunately, at $45 even in e-book format, I don’t think I’ll read it until it comes out at a more reasonable price.

[Mises; AM]

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